Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 148: Meritocracy

Chapter 148: Meritocracy

The topic of purging the bureaucracy is quite heavy for Metternich. Although no one has accused him of anything, it is indeed a mess he left behind.

Being the “Prime Minister of Europe” isn’t an easy role. Metternich has been tirelessly working for the prosperity and stability of European nations, leaving him with little energy to address corruption issues while also battling domestic political opponents.

As a result, over the decades, minor problems have grown into major ones, and the entire Austrian bureaucracy is as corrupt as can be.

Now, the Austrian government doesn’t even dare to raise the banner of anti-corruption and integrity because not everyone seated at the table may have clean hands.

Franz was very considerate of everyone’s face. He didn’t want to know about problems prematurely and just brushed them aside.

However, the current issues had to be addressed. In order to improve the government’s performance, he insisted on getting rid of the incompetent officials. This was the minimum requirement he set.

After witnessing Franz’s methods, no one dared to underestimate this young emperor.

Just thinking about the 1848 uprising, where the Austrian government used it as an opportunity to purge many interest groups and eliminate influential figures, showed how ruthless this emperor could be.

Under normal circumstances, having killed so many people and antagonized so many interest groups, not labeling the emperor as an incompetent ruler would be unthinkable given their methods.

However, reality is quite the opposite. Those who opposed the emperor are all dead, and those who survived are loyal patriots. All the resentment has been directed towards the rebel factions, and the blame has fallen on the military leaders and the cabinet.

Even if some people criticize the government for its excessive methods, they are primarily criticizing the cabinet. The emperor remains forever great.

Immediately after quelling the rebellion, the nobles who lost their land exerted the greatest pressure on the government, and Prime Minister Felix was even prepared to resign to take responsibility.

As a result, he did indeed shoulder the blame and was called the “Butcher.” However, he didn’t need to resign because the emperor, with great resolve, resisted the pressure. By using redemption money as bait, he diverted everyone’s attention.

No one wanted to bear the infamy and step down, especially to cleanse the reputation of being the Butcher. Felix had to work hard to deliver results and make them shut up. His push for expansion into the German territories was also influenced by these factors.

Metternich was also lured out of retirement by such circumstances. With his reputation tarnished in the country, he had no choice but to find a way to clear his name, and the best way was to achieve indisputable success.

If Metternich had resigned before 1848, he might have left with a distinguished reputation, seen as a symbol of his era. Unfortunately, he was caught up in the midst of the revolutions and became a target of the revolutionary forces. His hasty escape became a stain on his life’s work.

For the sake of his own reputation and his family’s honor, even if he had strong reservations about launching a war to unify Southern Germany, he still worked diligently to achieve it.

Those who accomplish the great feat of national unification become heroes, even if they only complete half of the task. They become national heroes of Germany, enough to overshadow any prior shortcomings.

“Prime Minister, since we are implementing a merit-based system, let’s do it thoroughly. Link the promotion of officials in the future directly to their achievements.

Status and lineage should no longer be the criteria for officials’ promotions. We should focus solely on their performance—those who are capable move up, and those who aren’t should be dismissed,” Metternich firmly stated.

If Emperor Franz were to learn that the Cabinet was advocating for a meritocracy, he would surely be astonished. The Austrian government was actually making such progressive changes.

While meritocracy might still have its flaws, it was much more reliable compared to the old system that considered nobility and lineage when promoting officials.

What’s superior is always relative; there’s no absolute “best” system. As long as the new system is more suitable for the current situation compared to the old one, it can be considered a successful reform.

“Agreed, but we must also add a condition that political ideology must meet the most basic requirements,” Felix added after some thought.

Debts may accumulate, and criticism may grow, but as long as they remain in power, they don’t care much about it. After all, as long as they stay in office, no one would dare criticize them directly.

Once the results of the reforms are realized, those promoted within this system will naturally become staunch defenders of it. In Austria’s history, these reformers will undoubtedly leave a significant mark.

Successful individuals are not subject to criticism. Those who criticize them will find themselves on the opposing side, underestimating the efforts made by these reformers.

Appointments should be based on merit, and personal flaws can be tolerated to some extent. However, one must not have flawed political beliefs.

No matter how capable someone is, if they are not loyal to the great Emperor Franz, they have no value in terms of promotion. This is the most fundamental principle of personnel selection in the Austrian government.

For the same task that costs 200,000 guilders to complete, an official with impeccable personal integrity who completes it for only 100,000 guilders, thus saving the country 100,000 guilders, is considered a “pillar of the nation” and should be promoted as a top priority;

Similarly, if another individual with high moral standards needs 200,000 shields to complete the same task effectively, they are considered an “efficient bureaucrat” who can diligently carry out leadership assignments and can be promoted to special positions;

If the same task is accomplished by a competent corrupt official who uses 100,000 guilders but embezzles 50,000 guilders for themselves, ultimately saving 50,000 guilders for the state, the cabinet would consider them a “capable bureaucrat” who can be used but should be closely monitored;

If the same task is accomplished by a corrupt official who uses 100,000 guilders but embezzles another 100,000 guilders without saving any costs for the state, the cabinet would evaluate them as a “mediocre bureaucrat” fit for lesser responsibilities;

If the same task requires spending 300,000 guilders to accomplish, even if the official is exceptionally clean, the cabinet’s evaluation would still be “incompetent official,” and they would remain to bear the blame or advised to go back home and grow potatoes;

If the same task requires spending 300,000 guilders to accomplish, and the official also overstates the budget by 50,000 guilders, pocketing it for themselves, then there’s no need for an evaluation – they should be sent directly to prison for rehabilitation.

The types of officials mentioned above all have their value and purpose. Competent officials with high integrity can be reassigned to special positions if their abilities fall short in their current roles.

Corrupt officials, as long as they are capable, have their own uses and can serve both in carrying out tasks and as a means to gain public favor, while also contributing to the treasury when their time comes.

However, the last type – officials who are both incompetent and corrupt – are considered beyond redemption.

The Austrian government’s standards for personnel appear to be influenced by Franz’s principles: talent is the primary consideration, and as long as someone is capable, they can be employed. There’s no need to worry about being cast aside until their value has been fully squeezed out.

If one can achieve great merits, then congratulations, they are safe and don’t need to worry about settling scores later. Franz never kills those who have achieved great deeds; this is one of the methods to attract people to serve faithfully.

Of course, those who rebel or betray the country are exceptions.

In Franz’s view, the contribution of one Heshen far exceeds that of a hundred Ji Xiaolan. A minister who can help the Emperor get things done smoothly, bear all kinds of accusations on behalf of the Emperor, and even be used as a source of funds when the treasury is in need. Such a minister is truly a role model of a minister!

Unfortunately, there are no such ministers in the Austrian government. Although there are many willing to bear the blame for the Emperor, their embezzlement skills are clearly lacking. Not to mention embezzling two hundred million taels of silver, even those who embezzle two million guilders are extremely rare.

(1 guilder ?11.69 grams of silver)

Because the amounts involved are just too small, His Majesty the Great Emperor cannot bring himself to completely disown those who cross him; he can only make a note of it for now.

One cannot argue that the wealth of corrupt officials is all ill-gotten gains; capable individuals can also make money grow. Embezzle a million, then earn ten million – those are the kinds of corrupt officials Franz likes the most.

Once they become exceedingly wealthy, settling scores will become an option. Even if it’s just embezzling ten thousand guilders, Franz doesn’t mind confiscating their entire fortunes worth billions.

So, for Austrian government officials, venturing into corruption is very risky. If they don’t get rich, it’s one thing, but if they do, they must seriously consider whether their butts are clean or not.

It’s quite the pity that, up to this point, His Majesty the Great Emperor has never eliminated a minister on charges of corruption.

There’s no way around it; these ministers are all shrewd individuals who haven’t given the Emperor a valid excuse to act against them. Many officials who have come under the scrutiny of the anti-corruption agency have been quite cowardly and admitted their guilt.

They hand over their ill-gotten gains and continue their official duties. This is the politics of Austria.

Since these officials all come from noble backgrounds, those who stubbornly deny their wrongdoing can be brought to trial in the Noble Court once solid evidence is presented. When dealing with individuals who readily admit their guilt, the Emperor doesn’t have much leverage against them either.

In terms of self-interest, Emperor Franz is unlikely to disrupt this set of rules. By protecting the interests of the nobility, he also protects his own interests.

In simple terms, in this system, the nobility must align themselves with the Emperor to ensure the preservation of imperial authority. If imperial power declines, their hidden privileges will also fade away.

The Austrian Empire is still primarily led by the nobility, and in Franz’s view, this situation is unlikely to change significantly for at least fifty years.

Only when the commoners receive compulsory education, accumulate talent over a long period of time, and have a sufficient pool of qualified individuals can they challenge this system.

In today’s Austria, Franz can confidently say that the number of talented individuals within the nobility exceeds the total number in all other classes. Even under fair competition, commoner children have little chance of success.

According to Franz’s reform plan, the Austrian nobility will continue to absorb new blood in the future. Outstanding talents from commoner backgrounds, through their contributions to the state, can transform into members of the nobility.

This is a principle of allowing actions to determine social status, as the Emperor cannot afford to watch the decline of the nobility, which would lead to an imbalance of power within the country.

Besides the nobility, Franz doesn’t see any other force in Austria capable of suppressing the growing bourgeoisie and ensuring the Emperor’s supremacy.

The initial experiment within the city defense forces was a successful example. After experiencing the baptism of the battlefield, those hundreds of noble children had become qualified military officers.

Clearly, the Austrian nobility hasn’t completely decayed yet, unlike during the historical period of the Austro-Hungarian Empire when they were truly beyond redemption.

The arrogance of the nobility was diminished during the wars, and after losing their ideals, many of them became idle.

Presently, at least the Austrian nobility has a common goal, the idea of Greater Germany, which is a powerful motivator. Most of them are striving towards the grand objective of German unification.

Under this influence, nobles who were previously just idling in the military now have to undergo strict military training, regardless of the specific unit they are in.

Anyone wishing to run away must first acquaint themselves with Austrian military law before making a decision.

Of course, as long as they can afford to lose face, one can apply for early retirement. It’s best to consult with their parents before making this decision; otherwise, they might return home battered and end up back in the military camp.

There have been numerous examples of this already as nobles value their reputation. This is especially true for nobles in the German region; if they don’t serve in the military, they can forget about holding their heads high in front of relatives and friends.

It could even affect the family’s reputation, which is hard to build. While some parents might be unwilling to see their sons suffer, they are even more unwilling to see the family’s honor tarnished.

Under Prince Windisch-Grätz’s personal supervision, any soldiers or officers who dared to evade training were first brought back, given fifty lashes, and then sent back home.

No one’s reputation held any sway here; the Austrian government was preparing for war, and there was no way they would allow a few idle rich kids to affect the army’s combat readiness.