Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 151: The Wind Rises

Chapter 151: The Wind Rises

In the Munich Royal Palace (Munich Residenz), a meeting that would determine the fate of the Kingdom of Bavaria had begun.

“Your Majesty, your decision is too hasty. Aligning with Prussia at this time will undoubtedly provoke retaliation from Austria,” Prime Minister Ludwig von der Pfordten furrowed his brow as he spoke.

Not long ago, the Prussian government had proposed the establishment of a “Cabinet of Responsibility” consisting of Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria to jointly govern the German territories.

This proposal was a dream come true for King Maximilian I, and he had privately entered into an alliance with the Prussians without the consent of his government.

On the surface, this plan seemed like a path to success, as it aligned with Bavaria’s ultimate goal of “one-thirds of the world.” Given their limited power, Bavaria couldn’t realistically unify all of the German territories.

However, this apparent opportunity was a poisoned chalice. Currently, the Kingdom of Prussia’s reputation in Germany was badly tarnished, and they desperately needed to restore it. It was evident that the “Cabinet of Responsibility” plan was their way of doing so.

Now that Bavaria and the Kingdom of Prussia were getting entangled, it was considered a betrayal by Austria and would undoubtedly lead to retaliation.

As the dominant power in the German region, this so-called Cabinet of Responsibility couldn’t be established without Austria’s support, making Maximilian I’s dream of dividing the realm into three nothing more than an empty wish.

In reality, there were no tangible benefits that could be obtained, and now Bavaria was entangled with the notorious Prussian government.

Aside from that, when news of this alliance becomes public, the support for the government among the Bavarian populace would likely decrease by several percentage points.

Not all Bavarians shared the vision of dividing Germany into three parts. Many believed that Bavaria’s strength was too limited, and the best way to achieve the unification of the German people was to cooperate with Austria.

“Now Austria is in a strong position, and the Kingdom of Prussia has met its Waterloo. If we don’t support them, the balance of power in the German region will be disrupted.

Currently, the Austrian government is undergoing social reforms, and from the intelligence we’ve received, they’ve made some significant progress.

Austria, whether in terms of population or territorial size, exceeds the sum of all the other states. Once they transform this potential into national strength, who can stand against them?” asked Maximilian I.

Prime Minister Ludwig von der Pfordten also shared this view. That’s why he supported an alliance with Austria to unify Germany and establish a Greater German Empire.

Since it’s an alliance, they can naturally divide the spoils. The Austrians would be the major shareholders, and the Kingdom of Bavaria could become a secondary shareholder, holding a significant position in the future board of directors.

This is the choice that best ensures their interests, as cooperation with the powerful is the survival strategy for small nations. In history, Bavaria joined the German Empire in a similar manner.

These thoughts were best kept to themselves, as Pfordten didn’t want to provoke Maximilian I further. If the Prime Minister lost confidence, then what remained for them?

“Your Majesty, the timing is not right. Prussia’s reputation has taken a nosedive, and the public has no favorable opinion of them. Even if we were to consider cooperation, we should wait until this controversy subsides.

The Austrian government is preoccupied with internal reforms, and they won’t take any actions for the next three to five years.

As long as our alliance remains intact, even just for the sake of their reputation, the Austrian government won’t take such a risky move against us.

Currently, we and Prussia have halted Austria’s progress toward unifying Germany. If they ever wish to achieve this goal, they will need our cooperation.” Prime Minister Pfordten thought for a moment and said.

Prestige can be a double-edged sword. While Austria’s prestige has made it the leading German state, it has also become a hindrance to Austria’s unification of the German region.

“Nationalism has been on the rise, and the idea of a greater unification has already spread across Germany. If we don’t take action in advance, the situation will only become less favorable for us as time goes on.

Since the establishment of the Holy Roman Economic Alliance, the Austrian government has accelerated its influence in the German region, and it’s clear that we are unable to stop them directly.

If we wait another three to five years, Austria might be fully prepared to unify Germany by force. Austria’s influence in Bavaria is already substantial, and we can’t predict how many might collaborate with them.

I’m not sure that the Bavarian population will resist the Austrians as fervently as they would an external invasion. From the current situation on the ground, the Greater Germany Faction would practically welcome the Austrian army.

We all know that the primary obstacle to the Habsburgs unifying Germany is not military but diplomatic.” As Maximilian I made this statement, his mood was quite heavy.

The “Austrian Threat Theory” had existed for hundreds of years, but now it seemed almost irrelevant. The Greater Germany Faction hoped for Austria to be even stronger, aiming to unify the entire nation sooner.

Due to Franz’s butterfly effect, the Austrian government had intensified its influence on public opinion in the Southern German States, and an increasing number of people were identifying with Austria. Maximilian I was deeply concerned about this.

Rather than saying that Maximilian I favored Prussia, it could be argued that he was compelled by the circumstances. To preserve his power, forming an alliance with Prussia against Austria was the best choice.

In history, he had the same idea – he tried to maintain good relations with both Prussia and Austria, but he didn’t anticipate that after the Austro-Prussian War, the Austrian government would simply withdraw from the German region.

……

The die was cast, and the Bavarian government, despite objections toward the king’s hasty decision, was powerless to reverse it. Having already offended Austria, they couldn’t afford to antagonize Prussia now.

On July 21, 1850, the Kingdom of Prussia, in conjunction with Bavaria, Hanover, Brunswick, and other German states, submitted a proposal to the German Federal Council to form a Cabinet of Responsibility.

History was changing; due to their damaged reputation, the Prussians altered their strategy. Instead of pursuing the so-called “Three Emperors’ League,” they chose to join forces with Bavaria.

Vienna.

The actions of the Prussians, to some extent, also received Austria’s tacit consent, or else their coalition would not have come together so easily.

As the situation unfolded, Bavaria’s betrayal was met with intense anger from everyone.

Once the “Big Three” cabinet was established, Austria’s influence in the German territories would be significantly diminished. Bavaria’s betrayal was a significant blow to the Austrian government’s prestige.

The Prussian conspiracy must be stopped, and Bavaria’s betrayal must be met with retaliation. Otherwise, Austria will find it challenging to maintain its position in continental Europe.

Metternich proposed, “Your Majesty, to counter Prussian and Bavarian ambitions, the Foreign Ministry suggests engaging with the small states in the German territories to jointly establish a Cabinet of Responsibility.”

Although small states may have less influence individually, their numbers are significant. When they come together, they can have a considerable impact. If all nations jointly create a cabinet of responsibility, it would not be much different from the current Federal Council.

Imagine a cabinet with over thirty members where disputes and disagreements arise regularly. It’s evident that its effectiveness would be limited.

Based on the principle of equality among the states, Prussia and Bavaria would indeed see their authority reduced to an equal status with the smaller states. Austria, as the recognized leading German state, would play a more prominent role in this scenario.

Prime Minister Felix contemplated this and said, “It might not be that easy. The great powers don’t want the unification of Germany. It’s a fool’s errand to want to unify the nation through a cabinet of responsibility.

Even if we establish this cabinet, who would obey its commands? Neither us nor Prussia, nor the traitorous Bavaria, would take such a cabinet seriously.”

This is inevitable; an empty shell of a cabinet of responsibility cannot command the nation.

Finance Minister Karl suggested, “If that’s the case, why don’t we just stir up trouble and create chaos? The German Confederation cannot be without an emperor. Alongside the formation of a cabinet of responsibility, we should propose an election for an emperor, taking a significant step toward the unification of Germany.”

Indeed, it’s a significant step forward with the introduction of a common emperor and cabinet. With a shared purpose and formal recognition, the path toward German unification becomes more feasible.

However, it’s evident that the Kingdom of Prussia is unlikely to agree to this plan, unless they are willing to become subordinate to Austria.

The pursuit of titles and positions cannot be faked; this is a universal principle applicable in any country. In the German region, when it comes to electing an emperor, apart from the Habsburgs, it’s nearly impossible to find any competitors.

Influence, though intangible, is a force to be reckoned with. Legal legitimacy plays a significant role in determining the absolute factors regarding European thrones.

When you delve into the history of Germany, you will find that those who could compete with the Habsburgs have all disappeared into the long river of history.

The remaining royal houses, whether in terms of influence or legitimacy, are simply not on par with the Habsburgs.

If the Habsburg dynasty were to theoretically unite Germany under their name, it would be a resurrection of the Holy Roman Empire, wouldn’t it?

“If the great powers didn’t intervene, perhaps we could pressure the Prussians into accepting this, but it’s just not possible now.

I suspect that if this proposal were made, it would be met with collective opposition, and we wouldn’t be able to withstand such immense pressure,” Metternich shook his head.

Certainly, uniting the German region without bloodshed would be ideal. Even if it’s only nominal unity, Austria could gradually transform this “nominal” into reality.

However, it’s evident that the great powers won’t agree. Even Russia, allied with Austria, would immediately oppose it. This is a matter of principle.

Today is not like the Middle Ages; nationalism in the German region has awakened. Once the German region achieves unity, even if it’s nominal, the prospect of a Central European superpower is a daunting one.

Whether it’s France to the west, Russia to the east, or Britain overseas, they will all perceive it as a threat.

From the perspective of European nations, Austria is not Russia or Britain. It lacks geographical advantages and doesn’t have a natural defensive barrier like a strait.

Located in a region historically known for conflicts, the Austrian Empire must have allies in international politics. Isolation means danger.

Karl calmly explains, “So, this proposal can only muddy the waters. We don’t expect to unify Germany through such a simple political maneuver.

The election of a German Emperor is just a test, but it’s not a test of the various governments’ attitudes; it’s a test of the German people’s attitude.

The idea of a grand unification has spread widely, but how high is the acceptance of Austria among the German people? We can only make a rough estimate at this point. Consider this as conducting a public opinion poll.

This data can serve as a crucial reference for us to formulate strategies for the German region, helping us avoid many detours.”