Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 156: No Eternal Enemies

Chapter 156: No Eternal Enemies

The “Grand Reserve Strategy” has been approved, and it’s inevitable that military spending will increase. In the short term, the growth in military spending isn’t very significant, but as the number of reserves increases, it will be a different story.

Maintaining the reserve may be cheaper, but military expenditure is unlikely to be less than 15% of regular forces’ costs. While you can use outdated equipment and reduce soldier salaries, training expenses cannot be easily cut.

Typically, Austria’s reserve units have a training period of no less than two months per year, and after training, the government often provides a substantial allowance.

Calculating this based on an annual addition of 200,000 reserve soldiers, the expenses would be equivalent to expanding the army by 30,000 annually, reaching a maximum of 2 million reserves and effectively increasing the active-duty forces by 250,000 (after subtracting the existing 500,000 reserves).

Considering the pace of Austria’s historical fiscal revenue growth, it’s estimated that this plan won’t last very long and may encounter challenges.

Franz couldn’t help but feel fortunate that the Industrial Age had arrived because, without it, Austria, primarily an agrarian nation, wouldn’t have been able to sustain such a large military force.

“Considering the need for close cooperation between the land and naval forces in our future overseas colonial strategies, I’ve decided to establish a General Staff, with Marshal Radetzky serving as its first Chief of the General Staff,” Franz dropped a bombshell.

Undoubtedly, this General Staff would be independent of the army and navy and would be nominally responsible for coordinating the army and navy’s cooperation. However, during wartime, this staff would take precedence over both the army and navy.

How can coordination occur without authority? Do we have to send someone to reason with the lower-level units?

Particularly, with Marshal Radetzky as the first Chief of the General Staff, being such a highly respected figure in the Austrian military, can they really sideline the General Staff?

“Your Majesty, our overseas colonial strategy hasn’t reached the implementation stage yet. Isn’t it a bit too early to establish the General Staff now?” Prince Windisch-Grätz opposed it.

Opposition was necessary. Adding a General Staff at this stage would inevitably encroach on the powers of the land and naval ministries in many areas.

Compared to the strong reaction from Prince Windisch-Grätz, the Navy Minister, who had relatively little presence, was indifferent.

The establishment of an institution to coordinate the two forces was only a matter of time. Having Marshal Radetzky, an army officer, as the Chief of the General Staff clearly indicated the dominance of the army.

Similarly, for an army officer to get involved with the navy would be challenging. Under these circumstances, the renowned Marshal Radetzky wouldn’t likely interfere with naval matters, given the mismatch in their expertise.

The establishment of the General Staff marked the official confirmation of Austria’s overseas colonial strategy, making the construction of a large navy inevitable.

With Austria’s international status, the navy must rank among the world’s top five, as otherwise, they would lack the confidence when venturing abroad to expand territories.

Given the potential returns on investment, the Navy Ministry could easily accept some loss of authority. Not to mention, this year’s naval military budget could increase by several million.

Franz casually offered a reason, saying, “Better to be well-prepared in advance to avoid last-minute panic. While the current balance on the European continent is still maintained, we do not know when this situation might change.

Although we suspect that the Russians might target the Ottoman Empire, everything carries an element of uncertainty. If the Russians were to expand into Central Asia or the Far East, our previous strategic plans would become impossible to implement. So, let’s prioritize the overseas colonial strategy.”

It would be foolish for the Russians to ignore the opportunity to strike at the Ottoman Empire, so running off to Central Asia or the Far East seems unlikely.

Regardless of whether Prince Windisch-Grätz accept it or not, accommodating his concerns is a matter of giving face. Presenting it for discussion among all is a democratic practice and also an opportunity to spot any shortcomings.

If everyone opposes it, it means the plan isn’t feasible. It could be too forward-thinking, and people might not be ready to accept it, or it might not align with Austria’s national situation for successful implementation.

In such a situation, Franz will naturally be flexible and consider the consensus. Even if Prince Windisch-Grätz opposes it now, the resolution is already considered passed.

Franz made a strategic choice by selecting the highly respected Marshal Radetzky as the first Chief of the General Staff. This decision was meant to minimize any resistance from the army generals who might oppose the General Staff.

Once the first Chief of the General Staff establishes his position, subsequent generations will become accustomed to it. During peacetime, the General Staff does not have significant authority and would not be capable of training and commanding during these times.

Checks and balances of power are necessary. The General Staff can command the country’s military during war but Franz will ensure that it doesn’t usurp responsibilities like recruiting, training, and logistical support systems, which will remain under the purview of the army and navy ministries.

Franz is cautious and is well-prepared to prevent a situation where the General Staff could potentially undermine the authority of the emperor, as it happened historically in Germany.

Apart from these checks and balances, the Imperial Guard and the Vienna garrison report directly to the emperor, and neither the Ministry of War nor the General Staff has command over them.

……

Munich.

Maximilian I had hoped that, with the support of the great powers, the Kingdom of Bavaria could integrate the small states in Germany. However, reality delivered a blow to his ambitions.

People were not willing to be annexed by Austria, Prussia, or Bavaria. They maintained good relations in peacetime, as it was in their best interest to band together against threats from Prussia and Austria.

This also explains why Prussia had a poor reputation within the German Confederation. The threat from Austria was somewhat mitigated by Bavaria, which made it less apparent. As neighbors, the smaller states felt the threat from Prussia more acutely.

“Has Württemberg also rejected our attempts to win them over?” asked Maximilian I, his brow furrowed.

“Yes, Your Majesty,” the Foreign Minister replied straightforwardly.

Württemberg is also considered a “major power” within the German Confederation, with a territory ranking just below Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria.

For the Kingdom of Bavaria to achieve autonomy and assert itself, it needs the support of Württemberg. Clearly, no one is willing to be a stepping stone for another, and the Württemberg government is not inclined to become a vassal state of Bavaria.

Even if it’s only a nominal merger where Württemberg retains nearly all its rights, it’s still not acceptable.

No one is a fool. If all the German states were to merge now, Austria, which holds a dominant position, would also retain its rights. There’s simply no way to swallow them whole.

Similarly, if Prussia were to annex the smaller states apart from Austria, they wouldn’t be able to do it and would have to make compromises.

Now, Bavaria is in the same situation. Don’t be fooled by the small territorial size of the remaining German states; they are, in fact, economically prosperous and densely populated regions.

So when Maximilian I presented his generous conditions, everyone simply refused. With Prussia and Austria still watching, does Bavaria really dare to threaten them with force?

Do they truly believe that having the support of the great powers means they can make everyone yield? Let’s not forget that Prussia and Austria are great powers too, and nobody is willing to compromise with them!

Well, to be precise, Prussia can only be considered a quasi-great power. They have the military strength of a great power but lack the economic power.

In a way, Prussia’s insistence on maintaining a powerful military is driven by their fear of being annexed by Austria.

If given the choice, Frederick William IV of Prussia wouldn’t want to pretend to be something they’re not either. Prussia’s government is at the brink of financial collapse, but their military expenses have never fallen.

Undercurrents are already surging within the Kingdom of Bavaria. With Austria’s numerous German exchange organizations, how could they not play a role in this?

News of Bavaria’s desire for independence has leaked, and preparations for an anti-secession demonstration are underway.

To avoid suspicion, those responsible for planning this demonstration are all German nationalists. Organizations and individuals associated with Austria are merely cheering from the sidelines.

……

Berlin.

Since the end of the Prussian-Danish War, the Kingdom of Prussia embarked on a path of reform. The first and foremost issue the government had to deal with was its finances.

Unlike in history, this time, the Prussian-Danish War lasted a bit longer, increasing military expenses by around fifty to sixty million thalers.

In theory, if they could get the funds collected from the German population in the German territories, they could mostly cover this gap.

However, it’s apparent that this was not possible. They couldn’t even secure the remaining funds. Presently, the Kingdom of Prussia’s embassies and consulates in various states are regularly harassed by creditors seeking repayment.

Faced with these aggrieved citizens, the government couldn’t confront them or insult them, let alone reason with them. The citizens were adamant that the government was nothing but a bunch of swindlers.

In desperation, these government officials dared not even leave their homes to buy groceries, fearing being hit by unidentified flying objects. They shifted their responsibility for daily life issues to the host governments.

In an attempt to divert the attention of their citizens, the Prussian government was even willing to make concessions and, together with the Kingdom of Bavaria, proposed a “Three Kingdoms Responsibility Cabinet.”

This unexpected move aroused suspicion among the great powers. Under diplomatic pressure, this plan was swiftly abandoned soon after its implementation.

If one were to claim that Frederick William IV didn’t hold any resentment in his heart, that would be impossible. Unfortunately, he had no outlet to express his frustrations.

Throughout this series of measures, the Prussian government acted in a moderate manner and didn’t make any significant mistakes. Thus, the blame for the failures can’t be laid at their feet.

Austria, Bavaria, and other nations had predictable reactions, as each country prioritized its own interests. No one owed anything to anyone else in this situation.

“Prime Minister, how has the matter of borrowing from the British progressed?” Frederick William IV inquired with concern.

“Your Majesty, it seems borrowing from the British is out of the question. They have presented us with an unacceptable condition,” Prime Minister Joseph von Radowitz replied with a bitter smile.

“What kind of condition leaves no room for negotiation?” Frederick William IV asked, puzzled.

Joseph von Radowitz sighed and said, “The British are demanding that we permanently withdraw from the German Confederation!”

“What?” Frederick William IV asked in disbelief.

Withdraw from the German Confederation? If the Kingdom of Prussia were to withdraw from the German Confederation, it would shatter Prussia’s dreams of being a major power, leaving them as nothing more than a mid-sized country given their current size.

Frederick William IV was certain that once Prussia withdrew from the German Confederation, the British would then join forces with France and Russia, pressuring Austria into making the same decision.

In such a scenario, the remaining German states would merge, forming another mid-sized country. While this new entity might lack aggressive ambitions in a complex international landscape, it would surely have enough means for self-preservation.

After a moment of pause, Frederick William IV realized the situation and said, “No, we absolutely cannot accept such conditions. We must quickly contact the Austrian government, as they surely wouldn’t want to leave in such an underhanded manner!”

Undoubtedly, Frederick William IV had misunderstood the situation, thinking that the British were fully prepared to dismantle the German Confederation.

However, despite their constant desire to challenge Austria’s dominance in the German Confederation, if a real split were to happen, their greatest concerns wouldn’t be Austria.

Even if they left the German Confederation, the Austrian Empire would still be a major European power. In contrast, Prussia would lose out on any further opportunities if they chose to exit.

Prime Minister Joseph von Radowitz analyzed, “Your Majesty, we must not rush with this issue. The Austrians won’t give up on the German territories either.

We only need to discreetly convey the information to the Austrian government. The British may have their desires, but making this plan a reality is beyond them.

Even if the British, French, and Russians join forces to apply pressure, as long as we and Austria stand firm, they can’t do much. They wouldn’t start a war with us just because of this matter, would they?”

Prussian-Austrian cooperation also hinges on the issue of initiative. If Prussia simply came to their door, wouldn’t that mean giving up their initiative within the alliance?