Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 188: Russian Counterattack

Chapter 188: Russian Counterattack

Saint Petersburg

Suddenly receiving a declaration of war from the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Russian government was furious. Britain, France, and the Ottoman Empire were all world powers, but what was the Kingdom of Sardinia?

Did they think Russia had declined to the point where any Tom, Dick, or Harry could come and stir up trouble? Despite the anger, due to the distance, Russia couldn’t do much against the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Nicholas I coldly exclaimed, “Hmph!”

“Order the frontline troops to properly greet the Sardinians, and let them know the Russian Empire will not tolerate insults!”

“Yes, Your Majesty.” The Minister of War quickly replied.

Little did anyone expect that Nicholas I’s command out of anger would become a crucial factor in the future success of the Russian army, leading to a significant victory.

On July 18, 1852, the Russian army launched an offensive in the Caucasus, pushing the Ottoman forces back step by step. Due to the challenging terrain, the Russian forces achieved several victories, but the progress of the frontline was extremely slow.

The Ottoman Empire also had smart strategists who understood the importance of holding onto the favorable terrain in the Caucasus. They had amassed a significant number of troops in the region, quickly deploying new units to replace those defeated in battle.

A fierce and uncompromising struggle ensued, with neither side willing to concede an inch. By August, the Russian army was forced to halt its offensive after suffering significant casualties.

The losses were staggering, with over 70,000 casualties in just over two weeks of fighting, averaging more than 5,000 casualties per day. Victory seemed distant, and the Russian forces could no longer stand it.

To reinforce the troops, logistical supply became a problem, constrained by the challenging terrain. The ability to concentrate a force of 200,000 soldiers was a result of stockpiling strategic resources in advance.

After half a month of fighting, the ammunition supply was running low. It highlighted the backwardness of Russian military equipment, which, ironically, helped ensure basic logistical support. If it were the armies of Britain, France, or Austria, the logistical pressure would have increased by a quarter.

Unable to break through in the Caucasus, the Russians once again turned their attention to the Balkan Peninsula. After a prolonged period of reorganization, the Russian army had regained its fighting capability, with a total strength of 480,000.

The allied forces were even larger, with 170,000 French troops, 20,000 British troops, and 540,000 Ottoman troops. Aside from the Sardinian army that had not yet arrived, their total strength was a formidable 730,000 soldiers.

However, the Russians were not at a significant disadvantage. The Bulgarians formed a 50,000-strong army. Austria was also helping to hold back 70,000 to 80,000 Ottoman troops. Meanwhile, Montenegro mobilized a 20,000-strong army plus the backstabbing Greeks who also organized 70,000 troops.

Overall, the combat strengths of both sides were nearly equal, and the key to determining victory lay in the competence of the commanders.

“Are all the supplies in place?” asked Menshikov.

In the previous Battle of Bulgaria, they had failed to capitalize on their gains. Apart from the unexpected appearance of the French army disrupting their plans, another factor was that logistical supplies could not keep up with consumption.

The Russian army had miscalculated the estimated ammunition consumption on the battlefield, overlooking the fact that after the troops were re-equipped, the consumption of weapons and ammunition would increase significantly.

Russian equipment was outdated. As an ally, Franz naturally would not sit idly by. Once the Near East War broke out, Austria immediately sold a large amount of new weapons and equipment to the Russians.

Although the Russians couldn’t afford a widespread rearmament, they did purchase a batch of weapons and equipment for their main forces. About three infantry divisions were equipped with Austrian weaponry, and more than three hundred cannons were acquired to enhance firepower.

It turned out that these weapons and equipment were worth the price. After the rearmament, the combat effectiveness of the Russian army improved significantly, and these divisions were among the first to break through the Ottoman defense lines.

The battlefield became heated, and naturally, the ammunition consumption increased. Taking the example of the newly added three hundred cannons, just one salvo would deplete a ton of ammunition.

The high consumption was a logistical issue, but compared to the frequently problematic Russian equipment, the officers quickly took a liking to the Austrian weapons and equipment and demanded replacements.

If it was peacetime, large-scale purchase of Austrian weapons and equipment would definitely meet staunch opposition from the military-industrial interest groups.

Wartime was different. Having invested so much into this conflict, Nicholas I absolutely could not tolerate anyone dragging their feet at this critical moment. He forcefully approved the military’s request for equipment replacement.

During the months of reorganization, the Russians were also not idle. They gradually replaced the equipment of some units. Among the current 480,000 Russian troops, one-third were already using Austrian equipment.

The main force had closed the gap in weapons and equipment with the British and French. Even if there were shortcomings in training, the combat will of a combative nation could compensate for some of it.

Incidents like the previous one where the main force of 90,000 Russian troops couldn’t handle 50,000 French troops in open-field combat were now unlikely to occur.

“It’s all in place, and some supplies even exceed our pre-planned estimates. It’s enough to sustain our entire army in a large-scale battle for three months.” The logistics officer responded.

Pleased, Menshikov nodded. He had enough confidence in this war. In the previous Battle of Bulgaria, the main force of the Ottoman army had already been severely damaged.

Even if the current number of troops has not decreased, the inevitable decline in combat effectiveness is apparent. The combat capabilities of new recruits and veterans are entirely different, and the disparity between elite troops and cannon fodder is even more pronounced.

Menshikov said confidently, “Very well, as long as logistics are in place, we’ve already won half the war. The government has approved our plan of operations, and an additional 300,000 troops will be stationed in Ukraine, ready to replenish our battlefield losses at any time.

The Ottomans are not a concern; Sardinia is just a force brought in by the British to bolster their numbers. Our main enemies are the British and French.

The strategic objective of this decisive battle is to annihilate the main forces of the British and French on the Balkan Peninsula, push the front lines to Edirne, and lay the groundwork for the capture of Constantinople.

For the ultimate victory, we must spare no effort, accept any cost, and, without considering casualties, breach the enemy’s defenses in the shortest possible time, encircling and annihilating the British and French forces.

Only by inflicting significant blows on them can we win this war.”

The Russian military system was somewhat chaotic, and the Russian government’s personnel decisions were also arbitrary. Menshikov, originally from the army, served as a military attaché in Vienna. He also participated in the Napoleonic Wars, and the Eighth Russo-Turkish War. He also served as a chamberlain to the Tsar.

After retiring from the army, he worked in the Foreign Ministry. Then he entered naval service, successively serving as commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Chief of Staff of the Naval General Staff, and Naval Minister. Now, he was Admiral of the Navy.

While some might think his promotion to the navy and achieving the rank of admiral indicates exceptional naval talent, the reality is quite the opposite, him joining the navy created trouble.

Menshikov’s entry into the navy had a direct consequence: it delayed Russia’s naval technological progress and combat training. He applied the army’s training model to the navy, making him somewhat of a gravedigger for the Russian Navy.

Now, as Admiral, he has been assigned to command several hundred thousand troops, serving as the overall commander of the expeditionary force in the Balkan Peninsula. Naturally, this appointment does not inspire confidence.

Although he originated from the army, having been away for over a decade, Menshikov’s professional competence inevitably deteriorated, making him less credible in his new role.

It would be more accurate to call him a politician now rather than a military man. The employment mechanism of the Russian government has cast a shadow over the impending large-scale war.

The Russian Chief of Staff Field Marshal Gorchakov objected: “Commander, one should pick soft persimmons to pinch. To win this war, the easiest breakthrough is clearly with the Ottomans.

What we should do now is look for opportunities to cripple the Ottoman troops, then come to gnaw on the tough bone that is Britain and France.

Without the Ottoman troops as cannon fodders, these less than two hundred thousand British and French troops can be easily annihilated.”

Menshikov confidently explained, “If we focus on the Ottomans, the British and French armies will flee at the first sign of trouble. We simply do not have the ability to keep both of them here.

If we cannot inflict significant damage on both Britain and France, even if we occupy Constantinople, the war will continue.

They can continuously send troops to the Balkan Peninsula by sea, and the war will become protracted.

From the outbreak of war until now, we have spent at least 130 million rubles in military expenditures. Adding in the pre-war preparations, our military expenditures have exceeded 200 million rubles, which is the annual fiscal revenue of the Russian Empire.

If the war continues for a long time, our finances will be unsustainable. In terms of financial resources, we cannot compete with Britain and France, even if we add Austria in the equation.”

In financial power, the British were invincible in this era. Even if we only look at fiscal revenue, they are in a league of their own. The four nations — France, Austria, Russia, and the Ottoman Empire — in the second tier can’t catch up, and everyone is at most at the level of 60-70% of Britain.

This gap can only be gradually closed by each country after completing industrial revolution.

“But Commander, we have no advantage now. The likely result of the war is mutually assured destruction, not achieving our ultimate goal.” Gorchakov frowned and said.

Menshikov shook his head and said, “Even if it means mutual destruction, we must fight. Regardless, we must make Britain and France feel the pain and force them to withdraw from the war.

If we fight steadily, how long will this war last? One year, two years, eight to ten years?

Now is different from before. In the past, we could fight with the Ottoman Empire for more than a decade in a single war, but can we do that now?

The high cost of war has already told us that a swift and decisive victory is the best choice. If we drag it out, the price we pay will only be even more severe.”

Military personnel consider issues primarily from a military perspective. Politicians, on the other hand, consider issues more from a political standpoint.

Menshikov had already transitioned to a politician. He may not care about the losses suffered by the Russian army, but he cannot accept the war continuing indefinitely.

Both the upper and lower echelons of the Russian government understand that the longer the war persists, the more disadvantageous it becomes for them. In the later stages, it will be a matter of who has greater endurance.

To prevent this scenario, the best solution is to use the devastating casualties on the battlefield to frighten Britain and France, forcing them to make concessions.

After the Crimean War in history, the British refrained from interfering in European affairs and tried to avoid direct involvement as much as possible. This laid the foundation for Prussian unification of the German territories.

One could say that the Crimean War indirectly helped the Germans. After the war, internal contradictions in Russia necessitated reforms, and it took more than a decade for them to overcome these challenges. The victorious Britain and France, having experienced the war, were hesitant to immediately intervene when Prussia initiated the war for German unification.

With all in agreement, the Russian military began preparations. Fortunately, in this era, information transmission was not convenient. Although the telegraph had appeared, it was only available in major cities, and the Balkan Peninsula had not yet adopted it widely.

Otherwise, with the Russians’ current approach, the enemy would have received the news and prepared themselves before their actions even began.

……

War is always a matter of comparison and contrast. Despite the chaotic command of the Russians, it is still better than the alliance of Britain, France, and the Ottoman Empire. The latter is a three-headed force moving forward simultaneously.

Britain and France are not yielding to each other, and the Ottoman Empire can only remain neutral. They are afraid that if things go south and both Britain and France withdraw, they will be doomed.

In history, Aimable Jean Jacques Pélissier served as the supreme commander of the allied forces, barely managing to command their operations. Now, Aimable Jean Jacques Pélissier is just one of the three main commanders.

The aftermath is that, when coordinated operations are needed, everyone must report to the allied command. After reaching a consensus among the three commanders, the operations can then proceed.

While the Russian army is preparing to launch an attack, the allied forces are ignorant of it. The Ottoman Empire does not prioritize intelligence work, and all intelligence comes from their citizens voluntarily providing it.

Within the bureaucratic system, much of this intelligence is not verified and is used directly. Unfortunately, the Russians also do not prioritize intelligence work. Otherwise, passing on some false information could have caused significant losses to the allied forces.

Both England and France are experienced, but they lack the ability to gather intelligence. Their bureaucratic tendencies are also noteworthy, and they simply assume that the Ottoman Empire will handle these matters.