Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 234

Chapter 234

At a crucial moment, the bureaucrats of the Russian government showed rare efficiency.

As intelligent people, they understood the gravity of the consequences. Lack of such insight would have led to their elimination in the internal struggles of the bureaucratic circle.

The demand for weapons and ammunition was so great that it couldn’t be met immediately; orders had to be placed for production. Even if Franz had been prepared, it was impossible to have hundreds of large cannons and tens of thousands of tons of ammunition just lying around.

If the Russians decided not to buy them, whom could he sell these munitions to?

The Austrian army had no use for these bulky behemoths, and the financially strapped navy couldn’t afford so much artillery. Moreover, coastal defense didn’t require such an arsenal.

Once the decision was made, the Russian government immediately sent orders for the weapons to Austria. Unfortunately, there was not enough production capacity for the large cannons.

In normal times, the Austrian army purchased mostly 6-pound and 12-pound cannons, which were the most commonly used active equipment. Very few were equipped with 24-pound field artillery. During this era, the main artillery of naval cruisers was typically 24-pounders, and battleships were equipped with 48-pounders.

However, the power of these cannons was clearly insufficient to attack the fortifications of Constantinople. The Russians needed guns of 68 pounds or heavier, which were generally used as coastal artillery and had very limited actual demand.

(Author’s Note: In this era, there was considerable variation in the caliber of cannons. It was common for cannons of the same model and batch to differ by a few millimeters; for cannons of the same model produced by different arms manufacturers, the caliber discrepancy could be more than ten millimeters. Therefore, measuring cannon size by caliber became obsolete).

These heavy cannons were not only effective siege weapons but also posed a deadly threat to British and French warships. Clearly, the Russians wanted to change the current situation where they were only passively enduring attacks.

With a small market demand, the number of production lines set up by military enterprises was naturally limited. Most arms manufacturers could produce large cannons but would start production lines only after receiving orders, which took time.

Not enough production capacity? No problem, Russia and Austria were allies. Franz was eager to help, and even active equipment was for sale. Anything the Austrian army had was up for grabs.

The era of breech-loading artillery was dawning, and these cannons would soon be obsolete. It could be considered preparation for an early equipment upgrade.

Old goods? You don’t have to buy them. New ones will be available in a few months.

Obviously, the Russian government couldn’t wait, and neither could the Russian troops on the front lines. Old or not, as long as they worked, it was all right. At worst, the Austrians could provide after-sales maintenance services.

Even the cannons ordered by the Austrian navy were intercepted by the Russians. After all, the navy had no immediate battles to fight, and for the sake of Russian-Austrian friendship, it was better to prioritize their ally!

As it turned out, every plan was based on ideal conditions. After a delay of more than two months, the Austrians were able to muster just over 150 large cannons. The rest had to be made up with 24-pound and 48-pound cannons.

Receiving the cannons did not mean that an attack could be launched immediately. Transporting them from Austria across the Danube to Bulgaria was easy, but getting them to the front lines was a major challenge.

These massive artillery pieces, each weighing tens or even hundreds of tons, were quite cumbersome to transport. Originally, these cannons were designed as coastal artillery; as long as they were powerful enough, their weight and size didn’t matter much. Now, of course, their transportation naturally became problematic.

With the cannons not yet in place, General Menshikov slowed down the front-line offensive. He didn’t want Russian troops to die in vain. Russian cannon fodder might be cheap, but losing too many of them was still a painful loss!

……

Athens

The Minister of War anxiously said: “Your Majesty, the British, under the pretext of pursuing the enemy, have crossed the border and entered our territory. This is a document from the front asking for instructions on what to do.”

Otto I casually dismissed the document. What could be done? Wasn’t the answer to such a simple question obvious? Do nothing, of course.

Blocking the British was beyond their capabilities. Even more unthinkable was to help the British chase down fleeing soldiers. Whatever the situation, the Greek government could not stoop so low.

“Let the local governments find ways to hide the returning soldiers. If not, send them to the rear. We must be cautious and not give the British any leverage,” ordered Otto I.

At this point, paying a price was inevitable. Politically, the actions of the British actually gave him an opportunity to extricate himself.

The British Empire was a maritime superpower and a top global power. Losing to them was more acceptable to the people than losing to the Ottomans.

It wasn’t that the government wasn’t trying, it was just that the enemy was too powerful.

If Otto I were more shameless, he could even boast that their campaign against the Ottoman Empire was overwhelmingly successful. They did not expect to be cowardly ambushed by the British, leading to their defeat. This would be considered an injustice that had nothing to do with the actual situation of the war.

As for whether this would create anti-British sentiment among the public, that was no longer a primary concern. Relations had never been good since the last conflict between Britain and Greece, and adding another issue to the mix was unlikely to make much difference.

The Foreign Minister reminded him, “Your Majesty, from the current situation, it would seem that the outcome of this Near East War no longer has anything to do with us.

The British troops have entered the Greek Peninsula and now we have lost the power of choice. We have to think about the consequences.”

Although they had confidence in the Russians, the British had already arrived. If they don’t come up with a plan soon, they might become a government in exile before the Russians could win.

Thinking of this, Otto I felt a headache coming on. His family had just been expelled from the Kingdom of Bavaria, and if it weren’t for Austria’s careful handling of the exchange of the throne of the Kingdom of Lombardy, they would already be a government in exile.

Now all the family’s resources were invested in the Kingdom of Lombardy, leaving no capacity to support him. After years of pure investment with no return, many in the family were dissatisfied.

Historically, after Otto I abdicated, the Bavarian royal family sent a replacement, but his brothers and nephews didn’t want to take over the mess, leading to the ascension of George I.

Without external support, the problems he faced were even more troublesome than in history, and a misstep could lead to being overthrown by the British.

After taking a few steps back and forth, Otto I said, “Let the Ministry of Foreign Affairs begin secret negotiations with the British. Under the present circumstances, we can only minimize our losses.

At the same time, reach out to the Russians, the French, and the Austrians. They probably don’t want to see Britain dominate alone. We need their diplomatic support now.”

“Yes, Your Majesty!” the Foreign Minister replied.

In the era of great powers, without the support of these powers, escaping this crisis would be as difficult as ascending to heaven.

……

Otto I’s judgment proved to be correct. Although the Kingdom of Greece was weak in power, economically underdeveloped, and lacking in resources, its geographic location was advantageous.

The Russians could not tolerate the British dominating this region and blocking their path to the Mediterranean; the French also did not want the British to expand their influence in the Near East and thus interfere with their interests.

As for Austria, that goes without saying. Across the Adriatic Sea lies Greece, and allowing the British to grow strong there also threatened Austria’s maritime security.

……

Vienna

After receiving a request for help from the Greek government, Franz decided to intervene in the British actions in Greece, but the method of intervention became a problem.

Military intervention was impossible unless he sent the Austrian army over, and as for the navy, well, the Austrian navy was not up to the task.

Metternich suggested, “Your Majesty, this time we can join forces with the French. Napoleon III will not be willing to see his interests seized by the British.

In the Mediterranean region, as long as our two countries are united, the British cannot ignore us.”

Indeed, the Austrian and French navies, even combined, could not match the British, but the British had many colonies and their navy was spread out over many regions.

In contrast, the entire Austrian navy was nestled in the Mediterranean and was the second strongest naval force there after Britain and France. The combined naval forces of Austria and France in the Mediterranean would surpass the British.

Power equals influence. Even though the British were the masters of the seas, they could not ignore the united will of Austria and France.

Historically, the Kingdom of Greece survived by exploiting the contradictions between the powers, and now Otto I made the same choice.

In international politics, allies on one issue in the morning can become enemies on another in the afternoon.

Allies without conflicting interests are almost non-existent in this era. The core factor that determines alliances is whether the mutual interests are greater than the contradictions.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “Let’s talk to France first and see what they want. The interests within Greece are not significant enough to make demands; we just need to make sure the British don’t get complete control of Greece.”

This lack of desire or demand was Franz’s attitude toward Greece. The reason was simple: historically, all nations that invested in Greece ended up losing money.

Unless something unexpected happened, the Kingdom of Greece would soon face financial difficulties, unable to pay back loans to various countries, leading to a period where its finances would be managed by those countries.

This was not the first or second time this had happened. Whoever took on this “little brother” would have to provide loans to keep them afloat.

Countries like Britain and France, where finance was dominant, could engage in this kind of business. Capitalists could use various means to raise funds and seek profits. Even if loans and bonds were defaulted, it was the common people who suffered while they had already secured enough profits.

But Austria couldn’t play that game. There wasn’t enough idle capital in the country to engage in such speculative activities. If financial groups dared to get involved, the government in Vienna would be the first to disapprove.

These funds are much better spent on domestic development than on trying to buy favor with the Greeks. Under the philosophy of self-development, Austrian financial capital is very low-key in the international capital market.

Being low-key is necessary; compared to the British and French consortiums, Austrian domestic financial groups are too weak. Being too active could lead to falling into traps and being swallowed by others.

Since the end of its westward expansion strategy, the Austrian government has been easing relations with other European nations.

When there are no conflicting interests, diplomatic relations naturally recover quickly. Especially with smaller countries, as soon as the Austrian government extends an olive branch, relations immediately become more amicable.

In international diplomacy, if you hold a grudge, congratulations, soon the whole world will be your enemy.

This includes the issue of leadership in the German Federal Empire, which was actually a compromise between Britain and Austria. If the two countries had continued their disputes, an emperor would not have been chosen so quickly.

Now, the restoration of Franco-Austrian relations has become the focus of the Foreign Ministry’s work, and the French government will likely make a similar decision. The reason is simple: it’s all about interests!

Don’t assume that Britain and France are allies just because Napoleon III is consistently pro-British. In reality, they are allies only when confronted with Russia.

Most of the time Britain and France were on opposite sides. Britain was the world’s foremost naval power, while France was second, and the gap between their strengths was not as great as in later times, with the French Navy having about 60-70% of the strength of the Royal Navy.

This disparity was enough for the first power to suppress the second. Moreover, the Anglo-French contradictions were significant because of the added conflicts in their overseas colonies. However, Russia’s ability to attract enmity was so strong that it overshadowed Anglo-French contradictions.

With this in mind, Napoleon III, after gaining the upper hand in the Crimean War, quickly negotiated with the Russians, disregarding the feelings of his British allies, because the French needed the Russians to contain the British.

These complex international relations caused Franz a great deal of headaches. Before Austria ventures out to establish overseas colonies, it has relatively few conflicts of interest with other countries.

Once this step is taken, the situation will change dramatically. Conflicts with colonial nations are inevitable, and managing these relationships will become the greatest challenge for the Austrian Foreign Ministry.

In one respect, the British did them a favor. Although their goal was to prevent the outbreak of a continental war in Europe and to seize the opportunity to contain Russia, the creation of the German Federal Empire also helped to avoid direct conflict between France and Austria.

Regardless of the size of this buffer, its existence meant that the governments of France and Austria did not have to face each other’s military pressure directly.

Franz feared the French, and Napoleon III likewise feared Austria. On the surface, the two great powers were evenly matched, creating a balance between Western and Central-Southern Europe.

This balance meant stability, and without significant interests at stake, neither Paris nor Vienna would rashly disrupt this equilibrium.

If the French wanted to expand their colonies abroad, they inevitably had to increase their naval investments. For internal security, easing relations with Austria was a natural choice.

Similarly, the Austrian government, also wanting to join this feast of colonization, had to ease relations with France for its own safety.

In this context, a warming of Franco-Austrian relations became inevitable. The joint mediation of the Greek issue created an opportunity to improve relations between the two countries.