Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 237: The Era of Great Powers

Chapter 237: The Era of Great Powers

As the battle for Constantinople reached a critical point, a meeting began to decide the fate of the Kingdom of Greece.

The venue was still Paris. Napoleon III, eager to enhance France’s international status, had been enthusiastic about hosting such events since his accession to the throne.

No one wanted to compete with them on this small issue. No matter where the negotiation occurred, the result would be the same.

Neither the British nor the Austrian governments lacked this bit of prestige. And it was not that the face of the belligerents was at stake, where they had to insist on winning or losing.

The people of this era weren’t lacking in the spirit of internationalism. The Greek government, after lobbying, managed to get many countries to participate. Of course, apart from a few large nations, most countries didn’t have a say.

Since Great Britain and France were at war with Russia, and the Greek question was part of this conflict, the British and French unapologetically excluded Russia from the conference, which was also a blow to the Kingdom of Greece.

Originally, Otto I wanted to hold the meeting in Athens, using Greece’s status as a neutral nation to invite representatives from various countries, hoping to use international pressure to force the British to withdraw.

Obviously, the Greek government didn’t have that kind of influence. When the French proposed to hold the meeting in Paris, the Austrian government was indifferent, and the British didn’t want to start a dispute with France over this minor issue, so the matter was settled.

The Greek Foreign Minister, Skvarta, spoke with an angry face: “The allied soldiers entered our territory without permission and seriously violated our sovereignty. As a neutral country, we strongly protest this blatant violation of our sovereignty and demand that the allied forces immediately cease their unlawful actions and withdraw from the Greek Peninsula.”

With no talk of compensation, Skvarta lacked confidence, simply hoping for the withdrawal of the allied forces, and was ready to bear their losses for doing so.

The military forces that invaded the Kingdom of Greece included the armies of Britain, Sardinia, and the Ottoman Empire. Due to France’s alliance with these three countries in the Near East conflict, the New Holy Roman Empire emerged as the mediator in this incident.

Indeed, the Austrian Empire and the Ottoman Empire were still at war, but the New Holy Roman Empire was a neutral country.

This kind of bizarre thing happened too often in the era of the Holy Roman Empire. One of the vassal states could be at war with foreigners, while the Holy Roman Empire itself remained neutral.

This was a historical problem that was recognized by European nations, so another occurrence of it wasn’t seen as a big deal.

In any case, it wasn’t Britain or France that was at war with Austria, so they didn’t care if the Ottoman Empire felt insulted. As the war progressed to its current stage, the Ottoman Empire began to play a less significant role in the alliance, with an inevitable decline in its status.

The Ottoman government certainly wouldn’t protest over such a minor issue. After all, they had a truce with Austria, and they could even thick-skinnedly claim that the war between the two nations was already over.

The war had thoroughly disheartened the Ottoman government, making them acutely aware of their own lack of strength. It became crucial for them not only to reform and strengthen themselves but also to maintain good relations with the great powers.

The Russians were the only exception, as they were sworn enemies of the Ottoman Empire, there was no possibility of compromise between them, and they were still at war.

British Foreign Secretary Thomas said nonchalantly, “Mr. Skvarta, how can you say that entry into your country was unjustified?

The entry of the allied forces into your territory was mainly to pursue enemy forces, which was in consideration of your country’s security.

We had notified you beforehand and proceeded based on your implicit consent. The allied forces entered your territory only after that.

If you turn over the rebels who have inadvertently entered your territory, we can withdraw our troops immediately.”

If protests were effective, what would be the need for an army?

Now that the Kingdom of Greece is playing dumb, the British are naturally following suit with their own stubbornness. Without armed resistance, it’s as good as tacit approval, and this interpretation is not wrong.

The British flatly deny that they forced their way into Greek territory, insisting that the Greeks had implicitly allowed them to do so, the proof being that the Greeks did not obstruct them.

Now, asking the Greeks to hand over the rebels is quite a cunning move. Officially, the Greek government cannot admit any connection with these troops, and the British directly consider them rebels of the Ottoman Empire.

Since they are rebels, this is an internal matter for the Ottoman Empire and does not fall under the neutral nation’s post-war disarmament and repatriation regulations.

This justifies the British demand for the extradition of the rebels. If the Greek government is unable to extradite these rebels, it implies that it is either harboring or supporting them. This would then justify the military action of the allied forces to cross the border and attack.

Skvarta instantly deflated. When it comes to being unscrupulous, they’re no match for the British, who have quickly backed them into a corner.

The Greeks absolutely dared not admit their military offensive against the Ottoman Empire, as both Britain and France were allies of the Ottomans. To admit it would be disastrous for them.

However, they also can’t comply with the British demand to hand over the “rebels”. What a joke — if they dared to do so, they probably wouldn’t have to wait for the British to act; their own citizens would probably revolt first.

No one spoke up for him on this issue. Right and wrong were clear as day, and if they thought they could feign ignorance and get away with it, did they really think the British were fools?

Even though France and Austria didn’t want Britain to annex Greece, they couldn’t pretend to be as oblivious to the matter as the Greeks. Everyone still has to maintain their dignity, especially when it comes to the British — the dignity of the British Empire is inviolable.

Right from the start of the negotiations, the Greek representative fell into a trap. As the mediator, the representative of the New Holy Roman Empire, Mentenede, naturally couldn’t let him continue to fall deeper into this pit.

“The causes and consequences of this matter are clear to everyone here, so let’s not beat around the bush any longer. Let’s get straight to the point and discuss the most pragmatic issues!”

Mentenede’s intention was clear. The British are not people the Greeks can afford to provoke. If you’ve done something wrong, you must pay the price. Trying to bluff your way through in the face of facts is nothing but wishful thinking.

The great powers don’t need evidence to act; they just need to believe that something is true. Not tearing the facade is just an unspoken understanding; in the end, what must be done will still be done.

The French Foreign Minister, Auvergne, tactfully said, “Given the actions of the Greek government in this war, it is necessary to impose certain sanctions.”

His intention was obvious. To use sanctions to shut the British up, preventing them from proposing to turn the Kingdom of Greece into a colony.

Did the British government decide to annex the Kingdom of Greece at that time? The answer is no.

The British government, overwhelmed by public opinion and still trying to solve the logistical problems of the expeditionary force, had little energy left to stir up new problems.

The voices within the British government advocating the colonization of the Kingdom of Greece were just beginning to emerge and were far from gaining mainstream support.

If all the countries had not opposed it, they might have gone ahead with the annexation. The British had the appetite to absorb the Kingdom of Greece.

But when the French proposed to convene the Paris Conference and the Austrians pretended to mediate under the guise of the New Holy Roman Empire, Thomas understood that the annexation of the Kingdom of Greece was no longer possible.

Although the strategic value of the Kingdom of Greece was high, its own benefits were not substantial enough to justify the British antagonizing both France and Austria over it.

Thomas said tentatively, “In view of the fact that the Kingdom of Greece has sent troops against our ally, the Ottoman Empire, without a declaration of war, I propose the dissolution of the Greek government and monarchy, with our government taking over the administration of Greece.”

Mentenede disagreed, saying, “Mr. Thomas, that seems a bit excessive. The Greek government is directly responsible for this incident, and their dismissal is justified, but abolishing the monarchy goes too far.

The dignity of a monarch is inviolable. The driving force behind this event was the Greek government, not His Majesty Otto I. He should not be held accountable.

After the dismissal of the Greek government, there will inevitably be some chaos. It may be difficult for your country to manage Greece’s affairs alone, so why not manage them together?”

Mentenede’s stance was faultless. In Europe, the abolition of a monarchy typically occurs only under a few circumstances, such as illegitimacy or expulsion by the populace, and Otto I did not meet these conditions.

As part of the community of monarchies, preserving the dignity of kings is a mandatory course for everyone.

Thomas was merely probing. Insisting on the deposition of Otto I would not have helped his political career. The real interest lay in the administration of the Kingdom of Greece.

“The events in the Kingdom of Greece are indeed an international problem, and we cannot leave your government to bear all the pressure alone. As a responsible great power, France is ready to do its part in this matter,” agreed the French Foreign Minister, Auvergne.

No matter how eloquently he spoke, in the end, it came down to interests. Clearly, France was not willing to give up its stakes in the Near East.

The conference quickly devolved into a power play between Britain, France, and Austria, with the Greek representatives sidelined.

Naples, Tuscany, the Papal States, and the Kingdom of Sardinia, all four countries, remained silent throughout the conference.

The very fact that they were able to attend this conference was a gesture of respect on the part of the great powers.

Though the Greek issue affected their interests, they were aware of their place and knew better than to interfere in a dispute between gods, lest they suffer collateral damage as mere mortals.

As for the representatives of other European countries, there’s even less to say. Not being Mediterranean countries and not being directly affected by the issue, they naturally stayed out of it, unconcerned and uninvolved.

Why should they get involved in the struggle between the three great powers if they saw no direct benefit for themselves?

In this era, the rulers of small countries that managed to survive in continental Europe were all intelligent; none would act so recklessly.

After more than half a month of intense verbal debates, the three countries finally reached a consensus and signed the “Resolution on the Kingdom of Greece.”

The throne of Otto I was preserved. Meanwhile, the Greek cabinet government was held responsible for the incident and had to resign and take responsibility.

An international supervisory group consisting of Great Britain, France, and Austria was established to guide the reform of a new government in the Kingdom of Greece.

In name, the three countries administered Greece, but in terms of the actual distribution of benefits, Britain gained the most, followed by France, with the New Holy Roman Empire contributing the least and benefiting minimally.

It was a case of everyone getting what they needed: Britain secured the greatest interest in Greece, France, and Austria prevented Britain from annexing the Kingdom of Greece, and Otto I successfully retained his throne.

The interests of the Ottoman Empire were sacrificed. They did not receive the war reparations they had hoped for, as the Kingdom of Greece was too impoverished to pay.

Since the Greek government was under the control of the three powers, it was unrealistic to expect compensation for the Ottomans to come from the pockets of these governing nations.

For a considerable period in the future, the finances of the Kingdom of Greece will be dedicated to repaying debts to Britain and France, as the Greek government has already defaulted on several loans due to the war.

Of course, this trusteeship is only temporary. The mutual checks and balances among the three countries prevent any one of them from dominating indefinitely. Naturally, it’s not feasible to continue the trusteeship for an extended period. As soon as a new government is established, the powers will be transferred to it.

The financial trusteeship might last a bit longer. The Kingdom of Greece must be able to repay its debts on time before it can regain fiscal sovereignty.

The Greek government fully opened its markets and ports to the three countries. Ships from these countries gained the right of free navigation in Greece, along with the right to station troops. Control of customs, coinage, salt and tobacco taxes, and road construction rights fell into the hands of these three nations.

Clearly, besides the distribution of benefits, this was also aimed at countering Russia. Britain and France established another line of blockade outside the two straits, utilizing the numerous islands of the Aegean Sea, enabling their navies to block the Russians at any time.

It was just a show of force. The Russians hadn’t even captured Constantinople, let alone controlled the first Bosphorus Strait and the Aegean was too far away.

With the signing of the “Resolution on the Kingdom of Greece”, the era of the Great Powers began in earnest.

In this era, as long as the great powers reached a consensus, they could decide the fate of a country. The fundamental nature of a world where the strong prey on the weak is exemplified to its fullest extent.