Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 250: New Vienna System (Bonus Chapter)

Chapter 250: New Vienna System (Bonus Chapter)

Delegations from various countries engaged in complex alliances and power politics at the start of the Vienna Peace Conference.

Russia and France attempted a partition of the rest of the Balkans. The British, who felt that they were being sidelined, were not satisfied and allied themselves with the Ottoman Empire, ready for war if necessary.

The Russians did not fear the British threat. With Constantinople in their hands, they could block the Bosphorus Strait, effectively trapping the British naval fleet in the Black Sea in the event of a confrontation.

As a land power, Russia was willing to offend Britain because it was confident that it had some leverage over them. With vast territories and resources, Russia could afford to break off relations if necessary.

The French government hesitated, not because Napoleon III feared war with Britain, but because, in reality, such a minor issue was unlikely to lead to war.

In the event of conflict, the French Navy had the strength to engage, perhaps not enough to defeat the Royal Navy, but enough to inflict significant damage.

Such a high-risk gamble was not something the British government was likely to take lightly. In the era of sail-powered warships, naval battles were too risky, and a fierce clash between two great powers was unlikely to produce a victor.

First and foremost, it was a matter of interest. Being neighbors with the Russian Bear was always a concern for anyone, and Napoleon III wanted to reap the benefits without bearing the risks.

The prospect of France alone absorbing Macedonia, Albania, Thrace, and Epirus seemed lucrative, but the Balkan economy had already collapsed after the war.

Wartime devastation, refugee crises, and epidemics contributed to a one-third decline in the population of the Balkan Peninsula, with a particularly sharp drop in the labor force.

What had once been a lucrative region in the Balkans was now exhausted. Restoring social order there would require considerable resources.

Simply put, the gains no longer justified the risks for France. If it weren’t for political necessity, Napoleon III would not even be interested in the territories of the Balkan Peninsula.

“Gentlemen, continuing this argument is not the solution. What if we each define our spheres of influence and then continue the discussion?” suggested Metternich.

After saying this, he first marked the sphere of influence of Austria on the map and then handed it to the Russian delegate, Karl Nesselrode.

Karl Nesselrode did not hesitate, circling his desired objectives on the map. Russia and Austria had an agreement, so their spheres of influence did not overlap.

The French followed suit and marked their territory. When it was the British’s turn, Thomas was surprised.

Indeed, the three powers had carved up the Balkan Peninsula on the map. Even if some islands were left out, they were in the hands of the Ottoman Empire, and the British wouldn’t mistreat an ally like that.

Thomas was struck by an idea. He felt he had to stir things up and not let the enemies achieve their goals so easily.

As for the Ottoman Empire, their ally, it unfortunately seemed that they would have to be sacrificed. It was the collective will of all Europeans, including the British public, and Thomas could not swim against the tide.

“Gentlemen, the people of the Balkans, enslaved for years by the Ottoman Empire, are returning to the embrace of the civilized world. We should be helping them with the establishment of independent nations.

How can we continue to enslave them? If such inhumane acts occur, how will the rest of the world view us? What will the international community think?”

Metternich rolled his eyes; the four of them could represent the international community. If one country acted out of line, it might be condemned by other European nations, but if these four powers acted together, they could make sure everyone else stayed silent.

In this era, no entity in the world was brave enough to oppose Britain, France, Russia, and Austria at the same time. Even if all the other countries joined forces, they wouldn’t stand a chance against these four.

“Mr. Thomas thinks too much. How could we enslave the people of the Balkan Peninsula? You have to understand that the people there have been under the bloody rule of the Ottoman Empire for a long time, and many of them have been corrupted by the barbaric world. We are actually helping them to return to the civilized world.

According to the information we’ve gathered, the cultural heritage of the Balkan Peninsula has been severely damaged. The people there are either accomplices in the Ottoman Empire’s oppression of the people, illiterate, or traitors to the civilized world. To suggest that they form independent nations is ludicrous.

Our countries should oversee and guide the local populace back into the civilized world, to prevent the continuation of this tragedy. That’s the best choice.”

Labeling the Ottoman Empire as barbaric was politically correct in Europe; for centuries, the term ‘barbaric’ became synonymous with the Ottoman Empire, deeply ingrained in the minds of every European.

Of course, the Ottoman Empire’s infamy was well-deserved, as they had committed many heinous acts throughout history. Metternich could produce a plethora of evidence to demonstrate their barbarity.

These facts remained hidden and thus caused no problem, but once they were brought to light, whether they were one hundred or two hundred years old, they served as proof of sin.

In any case, these stains cannot be washed away. At the time, experts still had some integrity and didn’t stoop to whitewashing the history of the Ottoman Empire.

As a politician, Thomas could not dare to defend the Ottoman people on this issue, or he would not be forgiven by the British public.

At this time in the Balkan Peninsula, those who had cultural and intellectual heritage were mostly those who had aligned themselves with the Ottoman Empire. Even if they hadn’t betrayed their people, their ancestors might have.

From this perspective, it was justified to label these people as remnants of the Ottoman Empire.

Thomas did not dwell on this point but suggested directly: “Mr. Metternich’s point is well taken. In that case, how about a joint international administration of the Balkans? We can work together to help them return to the civilized world.

Once they are reintegrated, we can find an appropriate time for the people of the Balkans to establish their own independent nation and thus contribute to the civilized world.”

Upon hearing Thomas’s proposal, the French representative, Auvergne, seemed somewhat persuaded, but the reaction of the Russian delegate was more intense.

Karl Nesselrode slammed his hand on the table and angrily declared, “This is impossible! The people of the Balkans have suffered greatly under the Ottomans and must be supervised by us to return to civilization.”

Metternich rubbed his forehead as he watched the furious Karl Nesselrode. It was obvious that this soldier-turned-diplomat was unaccustomed to the role of diplomat, almost ready to resort to physical confrontation at the slightest disagreement.

It seemed that the Russians might actually be able to resort to physical confrontation during the negotiations.

To prevent the negotiations from deteriorating further, Metternich had to intervene and ask Thomas directly: “The Balkan Peninsula is home to many nationalities and has not had a unified nation since the Byzantine Empire. Mr. Thomas, are you proposing the restoration of the Byzantine Empire?”

Restore the Byzantine Empire? That would be an international joke. Nationalists within Greece may naively chant slogans in favor of it, but who among those present would tolerate the restoration of the Byzantine Empire?

Faced with this question, Thomas calmly explained: “Mr. Metternich misunderstands me. To support the independence of the Balkan peoples is merely to help them return to the civilized world. The Byzantine Empire is long gone. How can we think of restoring it?”

Metternich replied with a cold laugh: “That’s good, otherwise the world would be in turmoil again. As for the question of the Balkan people forming their own nation, I don’t think it’s necessary to discuss it. The people of such regions as Serbia, Wallachia, Moldavia, Bosnia and Herzegovina have already acquired Austrian citizenship. They are people with a homeland!”

Inspired, the Russian Foreign Minister, Karl Nesselrode, immediately spoke up: “We have already granted citizenship to the people of Bulgaria and Constantinople, so Mr. Thomas need not worry about them.”

Whether or not they actually had citizenship at the time was irrelevant; Karl Nesselrode used that excuse first and could always follow up later.

Regardless of Thomas’s tactics, it was unlikely that the Austrians and Russians would agree to allow their territories to form independent nations. That would mean a complete breakdown in relations.

Continue to encroach on French territory? This thought crossed Thomas’s mind. He certainly did not want to face a united front of Russia, Austria, and France. Even with the support of the rest of the world, they would be difficult to resist.

Should he carve out a piece of the Balkans for himself? After looking at the map, Thomas decided not to border these land powers.

The previously silent French representative, Auvergne, suddenly changed the subject: “The most important issue in the Balkans is still the Black Sea. Most international disputes revolve around this area.

For the sake of world peace and stability, I propose an international joint administration of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus Straits. All coastal port cities should become free ports, with no country allowed to station weapons.

Governments must at all times ensure the free passage of ships through the straits without any restrictions or navigation taxes.”

After some consideration, all agreed, although Karl Nesselrode was a little reluctant. However, considering the practical situation, even if they wanted to collect passage fees, they wouldn’t be able to, so he agreed.

They could tax at the Bosphorus, and the British and French could tax at the entrance to the Dardanelles. If merchant ships were deterred from passing through, this golden waterway would be rendered useless.

With the waterway issue resolved, Thomas was no longer interested in further entanglements over the Balkans. The joint control of the Balkans by Russia, France, and Austria could also be seen as a form of balance.

If the Russians advanced from the Black Sea, the French would be the first to confront them, and Austria could not tolerate further Russian expansion either.

Although they didn’t benefit directly from the Near East War, they were strategically successful. They blocked the Russians in the Black Sea by using the newly established international order.

After the resolution of the Near East War, the Four Powers of Great Britain, France, Russia, and Austria signed the “Four-Power Treaty,” formally redrawing the boundaries of influence for each nation in the form of a treaty.

After the treaty was signed, the governments of the four nations issued a joint statement: the four governments would work together to maintain peace and stability in Europe and to combat any actions that disrupted the status quo.

With the conclusion of the Vienna Peace Conference, a new international order was established. Apart from the free navigation of the Black Sea Straits, the sphere of influence of each country was determined by the territories under its effective control.

The biggest loser was the Ottoman Empire. Lacking the strength to maintain its rule over the Balkans, it was forced to sell regions such as Macedonia, Thrace, Albania, and the Balkans to the French for 200 million francs.

As allies of the Ottoman Empire, the French had to keep up appearances and pay a sum of money for the purchase. Austria and Russia, historical enemies of the Ottomans, annexed the occupied territories without apology.

The Montenegrins probably couldn’t figure out whether they lost or gained from the situation. Although they were eventually pushed back to their homeland by the British, with the support of Russia and Austria, their territory doubled and they successfully acquired a coastline.

The doubled territory amounted to just over 10,000 square kilometers, which was still smaller than the Montenegro of later times. It could not be helped, given the small size of their original country.

For the additional 5,000 square kilometers gained, Montenegro suffered the loss of half of its young and able-bodied population. The original total population decreased by 23%, and even after adding the population from the newly occupied territories, the national population barely exceeded 200,000.

The apparent victor, the Russian Empire, was quietly licking its wounds at this time. Although they had captured Constantinople, it was only a superficial victory.

Both the Bulgarian and Constantinople regions had been devastated by the war, resulting in a direct collapse of the local economy.

Particularly in Constantinople, the city was virtually reduced to ruins, with over two-thirds of the buildings suffering various degrees of damage.

However, this could also be seen as an opportunity for reconstruction, allowing for the removal of the remnants of the Ottoman Empire and the creation of a new image reflecting the glory of the Russian Empire. This would be the case, of course, if financial considerations were put aside.

But a tally of the casualties wiped the smile off Russia’s face. In the Balkans alone, the Russians had paid a price of 600,000 lives. Adding the casualties from the Crimean Peninsula and the Caucasus front, the total number of Russian military dead and wounded neared 900,000.

If it weren’t for the capture of Constantinople and the political gains that offset all the losses, Nicholas I really wouldn’t know how it would have ended for them.

Similarly, Britain and France, who also participated in the battle, did not fare much better. The French army lost 210,000 men and had 45,000 wounded, while the British army lost 78,000 men and had 11,000 wounded.

These figures include losses due to epidemics and disease. Otherwise, the figures could have been reduced by a third. In any case, non-combat losses fortunately did not exceed combat losses.

As for the Ottoman Empire, its losses are something of a mystery. The Ottoman government itself didn’t know how to calculate them, but it is clear that their army of one million men was decimated.

With the loss of the Balkans, many of the conscripted soldiers were dispersed and never returned to their ranks.

The Ottoman government, having lost its capital and core areas of control, probably didn’t care about the exact number of casualties. Why add to their troubles with the specifics of personnel losses?