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Chapter 406: Short-term Gains vs Long-term Benefits
Chapter 406: Short-term Gains vs Long-term Benefits
Chapter 406: Short-term Gains vs Long-term Benefits
In St. Petersburg, the unceasing stream of bad news had become unbearable for Alexander II. The decadent trend of the Russian Empire was fully exposed, and the prestige built up in the Near East War was being eroded.
The international situation was only a minor issue; the biggest trouble lies within. From the start, Alexander II had been using the war to divert internal contradictions, attempting to plunder benefits through military expansion to quell domestic conflicts.
As the situation on the battlefield worsened, the domestic situation also deteriorated. This time, it was not a struggle between the conservatives and reformists, but rather the lower classes that could barely hang on.
With the blockade of maritime transport routes, St. Petersburg faced severe shortages in daily necessities, and prices continued to rise. If the capital was already in such a state, the surrounding cities were even worse off.
In the Winter Palace, Alexander II said angrily, “I don’t care what methods you use, you must quickly stabilize prices and ensure the supply of goods to St. Petersburg. If you cannot do it, I will replace you with those who can.
This is a critical period for the Russian Empire. Any individual or interest group that stands against the empire will be severely punished!”
Alexander II was not easy to fool. The shortage of supplies was a fact, but the constantly rising prices were absolutely abnormal.
At least food prices could not possibly be this outrageous. As the capital of the Russian Empire, how could St. Petersburg not have grain reserves?
The capitalists were shrewd. As early as the outbreak of the Polish Uprising, they all tacitly began hoarding grain.
Added to the original grain reserves of the capital, there was absolutely no way they could have run out so quickly. Moreover, St. Petersburg itself was also one of Russia’s grain-producing regions, with a high self-sufficiency rate for grain.
If no one was causing trouble, St. Petersburg would not lack grain. As long as the grain supply was guaranteed, other problems would be easier to solve.
For example, coal — the areas around St. Petersburg had coal deposits.
In this era, apart from having to import some machinery, the Russian Empire was basically self-sufficient, as evidenced by its trade surplus.
Interior Minister Mikhail said stubbornly, “Your Majesty, in many areas the ice and snow have melted, leaving the roads muddy and impassable, severely affecting transportation. There is a temporary shortage of supplies, but it will improve in 1-2 months.”
Mikhail was well aware of the reasons behind the soaring prices. But the interest groups involved were too powerful, and he did not want to bring this issue to the surface.
Alexander II smiled coldly and said, “Is that so? If that’s the case, then the government can take over the distribution of supplies. Surely any patriot would support that!”
Support? How could they? This was cutting off flesh from everyone. Who knows how many wanted to profit from it — if the government took over and centralized distribution, what would they gain from that?
Interior Minister Mikhail said anxiously, “Your Majesty, this matter involves too many parties. If the government centrally manages the supply, it could cause great chaos.”
To cut off someone’s income was like killing their parents.
If such an incident occurred, the Tsar might not face consequences, but those directly executing it were doomed.
Alexander II chuckled and said, “This is the last resort. If we cannot bring down the prices, we only have this option. If anyone dares to cause trouble, we’ll see if our swords are sharp enough.
The Fourth and Seventh Divisions will arrive in St. Petersburg in three days. If prices do not stabilize within three days, the military will take charge of coordinating the supply of goods.”
Clearly, Alexander II was clever enough not to rely on the city defense forces in St. Petersburg. Instead, he directly mobilized troops that had just been withdrawn from the battlefield to rest and reorganize.
These border troops were obviously beyond the influence of the capitalists and bureaucrats in St. Petersburg; they only obeyed the orders of the Tsar.
If the capitalists knew what was good for them, everyone would benefit. Alexander II also wouldn’t want to disrupt the established rules of the game.
However, if not, then too bad. If the Russian government couldn’t resolve the issue of skyrocketing prices, they would have to strike at the source and eliminate those responsible for price gouging.
Confiscation of property was almost a required course for every sovereign. The most renowned monarchs in history frequently confiscated property.
Typically, such emperors killed a lot of people. They usually eliminated those who caused problems, leading to a period of stability in the realm.
In Europe, the situation is unique, as generally, nobles are not killed. However, this does not mean that nobles cannot be killed.
Alexander II was no pushover. If reasoning did not work, he would use force. Once the line was crossed, he did not mind killing indiscriminately.
To some extent, this trend was set by Franz. Reforms never came without bloodshed; the same was true for the Austrian reforms, which were also achieved through a sea of blood and mountains of corpses.
However, with the cover of the revolutions, many stubborn factions were eradicated during the upheaval, allowing subsequent reforms to proceed smoothly.
Alexander II also realized this. The reforms he championed in Russia faced strong resistance from vested interests, progressing very sluggishly. Now, Alexander II needed to set an example to deter others, and it remained to be seen who would become the sacrificial lamb.
Mikhail’s face changed greatly. His political acumen was still very sharp, and he knew the Tsar was dissatisfied with his work. He hurriedly replied, “Yes, Your Majesty!”
Mikhail chose to swim with the current rather than against it and risk impoverishment. Given the rules of the game, the capitalists’ actions did not seem overly problematic, rendered even safer by the shielding of the noble bureaucrats.
However, when the Tsar intended to upset the balance, the situation would change. Would bureaucrats like Mikhail really go against the Tsar merely for a bribe?
Clearly, this was impossible. Their power stemmed from the Tsar, and as long as they remained in their positions, they could gradually amass wealth, so why would they risk it?
Perhaps many individuals simultaneously held the triple identities of noble, bureaucrat, and capitalist. However, for them, maintaining their positions was still the most important.
Wealth could be accumulated slowly, but life was precious. Provoking a Tsar who wielded the executioner’s blade was absolutely out of the question. A single misstep could cost them dearly.
Foreign Minister Ivanov opened his mouth to defuse the situation, “Your Majesty, the Franco-Austrian conflict has ended, and currently, both countries are engaged in secret negotiations.
According to intercepted intelligence and preliminary analysis, these negotiations may involve the in-depth strategies of both nations, potentially even impacting our war with the Kingdom of Prussia.
Austrian Foreign Minister Wessenberg has already arrived in Milan, reportedly to strengthen communication with the Kingdom of Lombardy. This is likely a smokescreen.
Simultaneously, French Foreign Minister Abraham has also arrived in the Kingdom of Sardinia, officially claiming to be on vacation.
Yesterday, Wessenberg and Abraham met at the border area between Sardinia and Lombardy for a five-hour-long meeting.
The contents of their conversation are highly confidential. They dismissed all attendants, leaving only the two privy to the information.”
This intelligence was obtained by Ivanov at great expense, primarily to prove that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was not truly incompetent.
Recently, the Russian government has suffered frequent setbacks in diplomacy. Although there were extenuating circumstances that absolved them of blame, criticism within the Russian government against them was increasing.
Ivanov naturally needed to deliver results, and the Franco-Austrian conflict was an opportunity in his eyes. The fact that the two countries didn’t actually engage in conflict left him both disappointed and pleasantly surprised.
This complex sentiment was not unique to Ivanov. It was the same with most members of the Russian government.
On the one hand, they desired a Franco-Austrian war to weaken each other and maintain the Russian Empire’s dominance on the continent.
On the other hand, they didn’t want to witness a conflict between France and Austria. Once Austria became embroiled in war, their logistical supply system would collapse.
If a Franco-Austrian war broke out, Austria would naturally lack the capacity to continue exporting strategic goods to them. This gap would need to be filled.
Unfortunately, this gap was impossible to fill. There are only a few industrial powerhouses in the world, and if France and Austria went to war, only the British would be capable of filling the void.
Such unrealistic fantasies were beyond the realm of possibility for the Russian government. Relying on the British to provide them with logistics was nonsense.
Alexander II pondered for a moment before saying, “Initiate contact with the Austrians first, probe to see if their stance has changed, and if necessary, make concessions appropriately.
We can promise not to covet territory in Germany and limit our partition of the Kingdom of Prussia to only the Polish territories.”
Although his heart was bleeding, Alexander II still gritted his teeth and made this decision. At this stage of the war, thinking about expanding into Central Europe was no longer appropriate.
This world was based on strength. The more of it you have, the larger the share of the cake you can get. But if you eat too much, you might just choke to death.
“Strength” refers to comprehensive national strength, not just military strength. Whether they admit it or not, the Russian Empire’s comprehensive strength was already lagging behind those of the four great powers.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ivanov, replied, “Yes, Your Majesty!”
After a pause, he added, “Currently, both the Prussians and the British are courting Sweden. To prevent the worst-case scenario, the Foreign Ministry suggests making appropriate concessions to Sweden.
We can support Charles XV’s plan for the unification of the Nordic three countries. Once Denmark and Sweden, along with Norway, merge, they will be dragged into the Prusso-Danish War.”
This was a very clever strategy to break the deadlock. The Kingdom of Denmark could use its support for the unification of the Nordic three countries as a bargaining chip to enlist Swedish troops.
Even before the outbreak of the war, negotiations had been held for the formation of a united state among the three countries. Sweden and Norway are currently in a personal union, with the two countries largely in agreement, but the Kingdom of Denmark has not made up its mind.
This hesitation led to the outbreak of the Prusso-Danish War. It was not without reason that the Junker nobles launched this war last year.
If the Nordic three countries were to merge, it would be difficult to reclaim the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein.
Alexander II hesitated; allowing the unification of the Nordic three countries would indeed be beneficial to the Russian Empire in the short term, but the emergence of a unified Northern Europe would also pose a threat to the Russian Empire in the future.
Denmark, Norway, and Sweden combined would constitute another Kingdom of Prussia. Perhaps due to limited population growth rates in the Nordic region, they may pale in comparison to the Kingdom of Prussia, but this gap would certainly not be too significant.
Ambitions are always stimulated by strength. After the unification of the Nordic three countries, would they remain docile? For instance, turning their attention towards Finland or the Baltic states.
Undoubtedly, such a scenario is highly likely. The Nordic barbarians have had their moments in history, and once they are stimulated by nationalism, the northern borders of the Russian Empire will become lively.