Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 423: Kind Reminder

Chapter 423: Kind Reminder

On April 22, 1867, the London Conference was convened. Representatives from over twenty countries around the world gathered in London to discuss this extraordinary war.

This was the largest war in terms of the number of countries involved, the area of combat, and the overall scale since the Napoleonic Wars.

Without a doubt, it was also the war with the most casualties and the greatest economic losses. The total troop losses of the two sides exceeded two million, and the total economic losses of the countries involved exceeded 2 billion guilders.

(Equivalent to approximately 1 billion pounds, or 7322.38 tons of gold)

To say nothing of the other factors, just looking at the casualties and economic losses is enough to silence all the countries in the world. You have to remember that many countries have populations of less than two million, and their entire countries are not even worth 2 billion guilders.

The Russians, of course, suffered the most losses. Not only did their army suffer heavy casualties, but their domestic economy was also severely damaged. They also lost territory and squandered their hard-won position as a world power.

If they had to do it all over again, the Russians would certainly not be as reckless.

At the Paris Conference, the two duchies of Schleswig and Holstein were awarded to Denmark. Prussia’s invasion of Denmark was opposed by European countries, and they could have solved the problem in a more indirect way.

Of course, the Russians were not adept at such indirect diplomatic means, as these were methods that weren’t forceful enough to showcase their prowess as the hegemon of Europe.

Who would have thought that a war that was supposed to establish their prestige would end up burying the hegemony of the Russian Empire? A great empire was brought to its knees.

The negotiations fell into a farce from the very beginning. The Russian delegation argued with everyone, and except for the Danish representative who helped them, they were directly besieged.

This is the disadvantage of having too many enemies. If Poland is considered a country, then the Russians would be facing an eight-nation alliance. (Kingdom of Prussia, Ottoman Empire, four Central Asian countries, Poland, and the British Empire)

The representatives of other countries naturally watched the bickering between the warring nations with amusement. If everyone had participated, the Russians would face an even more tragic situation.

The Prussians’ diplomatic efforts had paid off, and they had gained the understanding of most European countries. They provided a lot of evidence that was unfavorable to the Russians, demonstrating their well-preparedness.

After the first day of the conference, Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov knew things were bad, and he met secretly with Austrian representative Wessenberg that very night.

Ivanov cut to the chase and said directly, “Count, we need your country’s help now!”

After a moment of silence, Austrian Foreign Minister Wessenberg replied, “We are allies, and it is natural to help each other. What kind of help do you need, Marquis?”

The Russian’s intentions were clear to him, but he had to pretend to be confused to gain a more advantageous position and re-establish Austria’s dominance in the Austro-Russian alliance.

Ivanov didn’t think too much about it; the shift in continental hegemony was a foregone conclusion. Whether it fell into the hands of the French or the Austrians, it had nothing to do with them.

The dominance in the Austro-Russian alliance was no longer that important to the Russians, who had lost their continental hegemony.

“The current diplomatic situation is very unfavorable to us. I hope your country can exert its influence to reverse this situation!”

The one-sided situation completely caught the Russian government off guard. In their plan, most European countries should have adopted a neutral attitude instead of directly standing on the opposite side of Russia.

This is because the Russians have not had time to adjust their mentality and still see themselves as the hegemon of Europe.

During the era of Russian hegemony over the continent, while other countries might have been dissatisfied, few dared to express it openly, with neutrality being the stance of smaller nations.

Now, things were different. Not only had the Russian Empire suffered a severe blow in the war and descended into civil strife, but its global standing had also diminished significantly, no longer intimidating European countries.

Those who had previously been aggrieved seized this opportunity to vent their grievances. Prior to this, the Russian government had also engaged in diplomatic public relations, but the results showed their efforts were counterproductive. Not only did they fail to secure allies, but they also pushed some countries into the opposing camp.

In this situation, they had no choice but to seek Austria’s support. Since the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Austria has played an important role in European politics and diplomacy.

The establishment of the Vienna System on two occasions marked the pinnacle of Metternich’s diplomacy. Austria’s influence in European politics and diplomacy has remained one of the most significant to this day.

This political and diplomatic influence was one of the reasons why Franz had always been mindful of his conduct.

To ordinary people, such political and diplomatic influence might seem insignificant, but it ensured that Austria would not become isolated and avoided the crisis of being opposed by the entire world.

Now the Russians know the consequences of being isolated. Being targeted by all countries means that they will be in a passive position in the negotiations and will have to pay a greater price to end this war.

Wessenberg shook his head and said, “Marquis, you overestimate our influence. The current situation was undoubtedly instigated by Britain and France. Surely you don’t believe that Austria can counter the combined influence of these two powers?”

Offering assistance in this matter would only lead to endless trouble. Persuading other countries to change their diplomatic stance would also require a price to pay. Without sufficient benefits, why would Austria pay such a price?

Ivanov’s face darkened, realizing the situation was not so simple. If Austria were willing to intervene, these smaller nations would likely revert to neutrality.

Claims of being unable to match the combined influence of Britain and France were nonsense. In reality, when their own interests were not involved, these smaller nations would be mere bystanders.

In the era of the Vienna System, Austria could expel the British from Europe, suppress France in a corner, and restrict the Russians to Eastern Europe, all by means of diplomatic alliances.

Didn’t the annexation of Southern Germany cause panic among European countries at first, but didn’t they quickly overcome the difficulties?

“Count, we won’t let you help us for nothing.”

With that, Ivanov handed Wessenberg a blank check from the Royal Bank, allowing him to fill in the amount himself.

Upon receiving the check, Wesenberg could not help but laugh bitterly. Was he that kind of person? Austria did not condone bribery; if he accepted this today, he would be sent home to retire tomorrow.

In this day and age, Austrian officials were not paupers. Franz was quite generous, with each of them owning estates in the colonies, at least a few thousand hectares of land to start.

These lands required appointing people to manage and oversee them. Many wealthy individuals might have scoffed at the prospect, but these lands came with noble titles attached to the land, instantly increasing their value manifold.

No one would turn down noble titles, especially those with fiefs. It doesn’t matter if they are far away in the colonies. After all, they will eventually become integrated.

To leave more property for his descendants, Wessenberg pushed the check back and said, “Sorry, Marquis, I dare not accept this money. It is necessary to pay a price to change the positions of countries, and it is definitely not something that can be solved with a few words.

If you wish to escape your current predicament, you could start with Sweden-Norway. The Nordic Federation is in the process of being formed, and at this time, they must consider the sentiments of the Danes.

Then, you could rally the German Confederation by exaggerating the Prussian threat. The Kingdom of Prussia aspires to become a true great power, and annexing the former is the latter’s only choice for that to come to fruition.

Convincing Belgium would also not be difficult. The French threat to them is too great, and they will need your assistance; at the very least, you could persuade them to remain neutral.

Spain, Portugal, and your country have no conflict of interest. I believe that you have the ability to persuade them to remain neutral.”

Wessenberg offered a solution, but whether it could be accomplished depended on the abilities of the Russian government. If they could not even persuade countries with no conflicting interests to remain neutral, what was the point of diplomacy?

This was the confidence of a great power. No matter how much Russia declined, they are still one of the four great powers in Europe, with far greater comprehensive national strength than Prussia and Spain.

Upon hearing these suggestions, Ivanov felt somewhat embarrassed. These should be considered routine operations, but they messed them up before, and now they have to make up for it.

Undoubtedly, in addition to the “mentality” of the diplomats causing trouble, the wrong choice of the starting point of the lobbying is also an important factor.

This is not the responsibility of a single person. It wasn’t until the reign of Alexander III that the Russians could solve problems through diplomacy. Before that, they were used to using force to get things done.

In this context, it is normal for diplomats to be incompetent. Even those who can reach a passable level can already be considered elite diplomats there.

After a pause, Ivanov handed over the check and said politely, “Thank you, Count! You have won the friendship of the Russian Empire.”

Even if nothing was done, since the other party had offered a suggestion, the money still had to be given.

This hidden rule of money bureaucracy was practiced within the bureaucratic circles of the Russian government, and Ivanov was already accustomed to it.

During this period, the foreign ministries across nations were mired in corruption, where amassing wealth through foreign postings proved to be an effortless endeavor.

Wessenberg also accepted gifts when he was in office, but as his position rose, he gradually became more concerned about his reputation and was afraid of being caught by his competitors.

Now that no task was required, this money did not feel as hot to handle.

In light of the money, Wessenberg added, “Marquis, the crux of this negotiation lies in Eastern Europe, which is the foundation of your country. I personally advise that you first resolve the troubles in the Far East, Near East, and Central Asia.

In the Near East, the Ottoman Empire has not achieved results on the battlefield, and it will not cost much to deal with them. I don’t know much about the Far East, but it is too far away and should not be of much value.

In Central Asia, almost everything has already been lost. You might as well abandon it. As long as your core interests are protected, these peripheral areas are not worth mentioning.

From a long-term development perspective, I believe that the Eastern European issue is not a big deal. With your country’s strength, what you have lost now can be regained sooner or later.

Britain and France are constantly making small moves. If the negotiations drag on for too long, it is easy for unexpected troubles to arise. As far as I know, the Kingdom of Prussia is still expanding its military and preparing for war, making it highly likely that the flames of war will reignite once more.”

Reminding the Russians to swiftly complete the negotiations and end this war was truly well-intentioned, for if it dragged on further, a resumption of the war would not be surprising.

According to European tradition, if benefits cannot be gained at the negotiating table, then they must be seized on the battlefield. Given the present circumstances, should the Russian Empire choose to fight, its frontline forces would suffer defeat.

At least on the Eastern European front, there was not a shred of hope. Logistics and supplies could not be guaranteed, making the war impossible to fight.

Digging a pit in passing by encouraging the Russians to fight back in the future was simply fulfilling the duties of being the Austrian Foreign Minister.

After listening to Wessenberg’s explanation, Ivanov’s mood became much heavier.

It doesn’t matter if other regions are lost. The Russians can afford the loss. Meanwhile, Eastern Europe is the foundation of the Russian Empire.

The lost land will definitely be retaken in the future. The Russian Bear is very vengeful, and the Kingdom of Prussia has replaced the Ottoman Empire as their number one enemy.

Once the Russian government regained its strength, it would seek its revenge. Where they had stumbled, that was where they would rise again. The Russians never lacked resilience.

Wesenberg’s kind reminder was merely to deepen the impression, ensuring the Russians would always remember this resentment.