Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 466: The Fisherman Appears



Chapter 466: The Fisherman Appears

Chapter 466: The Fisherman Appears

The political concept of an Anglo-Franco-Austrian alliance actually emerged several years ago, following the arms race between the three nations.

During this arms race, the Royal Navy failed to meet the standard of maintaining superiority over the next two strongest naval powers combined. Some astute individuals in the British government believed that continuing such competition might lead to a Franco-Austrian alliance, which would not be in Britain’s best interest.

Thus, the idea of a tripartite alliance was proposed, aiming to curb Franco-Austrian military expansion through a treaty, thereby cementing Britain’s position as the world’s leading power and establishing an international order centered around Britain.

This plan was clearly too idealistic. Due to the conflicting interests of the three countries, the concept remained just that—a concept, never becoming reality.

To this day, neither France nor Austria acknowledges Britain as the world’s leading power. No one wants to bow to another, and the citizens of France and Austria are equally proud, unable to accept such an arrangement even for the sake of appearances.

One only needs to look at European newspapers to see that the international consensus is that there is a tripartite balance of power among Britain, France, and Austria. Britain may have the upper hand in naval and economic power, but it falls significantly short in terms of land forces.

Originally, in the age of naval supremacy, the maritime hegemon was indeed the world hegemon. However, in this era, the world’s center is on the European continent, where France and Austria have greater influence.

In an era where the top power cannot suppress the second and third powers, the status of the hegemon becomes nominal at best. In fact, even this “title” lacks international recognition.

Not long ago, the British government suddenly decided to push for a tripartite alliance, not only to dismantle the Franco-Austrian alliance but also to solidify the title of world hegemon.

In an Anglo-Franco-Austrian alliance, the leader of the alliance would naturally be the world hegemon. This title is not just an empty honor; it carries a series of substantial benefits.

With this title, Britain could more easily gain benefits in overseas expansion, while France and Austria could also benefit, albeit not as much as Britain.

The greatest benefit would be monetary hegemony. The title of world hegemon would undoubtedly enhance the status of the pound, potentially crushing the guilder and the franc to become the world’s currency.

The interests involved in the three-nation alliance were extensive, and negotiations quickly reached an impasse. The sudden outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War made this alliance even more distant.

Many were relieved, especially Prussia and Russia, as an Anglo-Franco-Austrian alliance would leave no room for them.

Everyone knew that the Anglo-Boer War was essentially a struggle between Britain and Austria, with all eyes on Austria and Britain to see how they would react.

The result was quite disappointing. The Austrian government acted as if nothing had happened, and the British government also did not react.

This was just the outside view. In reality, the British government was far from calm. Conflict with Austria at this time had already affected their pre-existing plans.

Since the war had already broken out, there was no point in saying anything more. Britain also had its pride and would not retreat just because it was wary of Austria.

Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli had already mentally deemed Governor Delf incapable. Of course, if the war were won, this evaluation would change.

It had nothing to do with right or wrong; the main issue was the timing. If they had won over the Portuguese and jointly driven the Austrians out of South Africa, it all would have been worthwhile.

But failing to achieve this goal, attacking merely for the sake of the two Boer republics seemed somewhat unprofitable.

The gold mines of Transvaal and the Orange Free State had not yet been discovered. Diamonds were just beginning to show their potential, but diamond prices were currently low, and this small profit was not enough to tempt Prime Minister Benjamin.

These were all secondary concerns. The main issue was that the British government was not confident of victory. Facing the Boers alone was no problem, but the involvement of Austria changed the situation.

Everyone in the circle knew each other’s capabilities to some extent. The trick of showing up on the battlefield in a different uniform wasn’t new to anyone.

Rather than Boer republics, it would be more accurate to call them German republics now. Even if tens of thousands of Austrian troops were mixed in, it wouldn’t be out of place.

Fighting in inland areas, both sides faced significant logistical pressures, and neither could claim much advantage.

The problem was Austria’s overwhelming advantage on the African continent, with a steady stream of reinforcements, leaving Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli unsure of victory.

Prime Minister Benjamin asked bluntly, “Sir Louis, what is your view on the war with the Boers?”

Undoubtedly, the Colonial Office was involved in this war. Governor Delf alone couldn’t have organized an army of thirty thousand.

Colonial expansion meant wealth. Regardless of whether the government profited or not, the individuals or companies involved always made a substantial profit.

Behind this war, there were also interest groups at play. While the diamond mines of the Boer republics might not entice the British government, they were certainly enough to tempt the colonists in South Africa.

A few years ago, the South African Colonial Company had expanded too quickly, leading to a series of armed conflicts with Austrian colonial teams. Eventually, they couldn’t hold out, and a truce was only achieved after the intervention of both governments.

This time, they were the main force pushing for the Anglo-Boer War. It had nothing to do with hatred. After all, the ones dying were the lower-level thugs, and there wasn’t any deep-seated animosity at the top.

The main issue was that all avenues for expansion had been blocked. If they didn’t go after the Boer republics, they would have to only eat sand in Namibia.

At this time, Namibia didn’t have any marketable resources. European colonists had arrived there as early as the 15th century and then left.

There was no choice. With its semi-desert climate, even farming would yield little, and mining investments wouldn’t be proportional to the output.

Apart from being suitable for fishing, it didn’t seem to offer any other income opportunities. The South African Colonial Company had higher aspirations. If they wanted to fish, they could have stayed in their homeland as fishermen. Why would they travel all the way to South Africa?

The colonial bureaucrats knew very well that if they didn’t act now, they would never have the chance. They were in the colonies to make money, not to while away their days.

So many people were eager to fight, and the idealistic and ambitious Governor Delf naturally went along with it.

The British Colonial Office certainly wouldn’t discourage the enthusiasm of their subordinates. If they won, they would share in the glory. If they lost, they could simply blame Governor Delf.

Sir Louis, the Colonial Secretary, was not a member of the current cabinet and was not aligned with Prime Minister Benjamin. His position was the result of a compromise among various parties, so it’s not surprising that there was a delay in reporting.

Sir Louis babbled, “Prime Minister, I just found out about this myself. The telegraph lines in South Africa are not very reliable, and the last report missed a lot of details.

From the current situation, the front line is progressing smoothly. The telegram says our forces have advanced over a hundred miles, and the Boers are collapsing at the first contact.

If the Austrians do not get involved, I think there will be no problem winning this war. We can start preparing a victory celebration for our lads.”

Prime Minister Benjamin glared at him fiercely, having already made up his mind. If the war was won, so be it, but if they lost, he would make this annoying fellow resign.

As a close confidant, Foreign Secretary Maclean immediately retorted, “Sir Louis, your assumptions are based on possibilities, but the reality might be quite the opposite.

Up until now, our Foreign Office has not received any protests from the Austrians. Surely no one believes that the Austrian government wouldn’t even dare to protest?”

No response was the worst possible outcome. If the Austrians were to strongly protest, it would mean that the situation was still under control and could be resolved through diplomatic means.

Now, with the Austrian government silent, they were surely planning something big. It wouldn’t be surprising if the Anglo-Boer War escalated into an Anglo-Austrian confrontation or even a regional war.

Benjamin sarcastically remarked, “Since the Colonial Office is so well-prepared, this war will be your responsibility. Our cabinet will fully cooperate.”

“The cabinet cooperating with the Colonial Office”—if this got out, it would definitely make the front page of the London newspapers. Such a reversal of roles was very rare in Britain.

Louis’ face changed color. He understood the underlying meaning. However, this war had indeed not been approved by the cabinet, although in colonial expansion, such operations were normal and legal.

But under these circumstances, the cabinet would not be responsible for the war, and the Colonial Office and the Cape Town colonial government would bear all the responsibility.

This was not what Louis wanted. Sharing the glory was fine, but let the colonial officials bear the responsibility. He didn’t want to be tied to them.

This was a politician’s survival instinct—if you can’t shirk responsibility, then don’t do anything. The more you do, the more mistakes you make. This was an inevitable outcome.

Louis hurriedly deflected, “Prime Minister, this war was completely unexpected. We at the Colonial Office were also unaware beforehand. For specifics, we should wait for the detailed report from the Governor of Cape Town!

Since it’s clear the Austrians intend to intervene, we must take more proactive measures. If the navy can blockade the enemy’s coastline, we will have this war in the bag.”

Seeing the responsibility shifted to him, the First Lord of the Admiralty, Robert, sarcastically responded, “Sir Louis, surely you know that both Boer republics are landlocked. Which port do you want the Royal Navy to blockade?”

The Royal Navy, despite being the world’s most powerful navy, was not omnipotent. At the very least, they couldn’t blockade the Boer republics.

Looking at the map, it was clear that the Boers were already bordering Austrian Africa. To blockade them, they would have to blockade Austrian Africa as well—a coastline of ‘just’ a few thousand kilometers.

If the Austrian Navy didn’t exist and the entire Royal Navy mobilized, they might manage it. This would also require the cooperation of the French and Portuguese. Otherwise, capitalists wouldn’t mind the distance.

For a continent, a blockade was a joke—at least in the 19th century. Except for naturally isolated Antarctica and Australia, the other continents couldn’t be blockaded effectively.

Africa might lack industrialization, but that didn’t mean it couldn’t be established. With people, resources, and technology, if the Austrian government wanted, it could create a basic industrial system within 2-3 years.

Seeing the embarrassed Louis, Benjamin’s anger dissipated. At this point, they needed to focus on damage control. If they lost the war, the cabinet would be in trouble too. No matter how they much shift the blame, they won’t be able to escape the label of incompetence.

Often, absurd policies weren’t due to ignorance but politicians prioritizing their interests, feeling they had no choice.

Benjamin sternly said, “Alright, Sir Louis. Your Colonial Office must quickly come up with a battle plan and win this war.”

They had some confidence in fighting in South Africa. Austria’s influence had only recently expanded there, while they had taken root there for decades.

The forces they could deploy locally far exceeded what Austria could. If they moved quickly, they might finish the war before Austrian reinforcements arrived.

When the snipe and the clam fight, the fisherman benefits. Seeing Britain and Austria about to clash, Napoleon III couldn’t remain idle. On one hand, he cheered on the Austrian government, while on the other, he accelerated France’s expansion in the Italian region.

The game between Britain and Austria in South Africa tied up most of their energy, creating a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for the French.

At this moment, no one had the power to intervene in their annexation of the Italian region. There was no need for discussion; if negotiations failed, they would use force.

From the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer War, the French had increased their troops in various Italian states, their threatening intentions already evident.

If not for considering the impact on international society, Napoleon III would have already sat on the Italian throne. Now he was just one step away from coronation.


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