Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 510: June's Debt

Chapter 510: June's Debt

Human nature is complex. On the surface, President Juárez appeared to have subdued all opposing factions, but beneath that calm facade, the situation in Mexico City was turbulent.

After the shooting incident, the blockade around the Austrian embassy was lifted. Previously, supplies were prohibited from entering. Now, the Mexican government was actively delivering them to the embassy.

There was no other choice—President Juárez was genuinely frightened. Just a few Austrian soldiers roaming around had already caused so much trouble. If they were allowed to wander freely every day, who knows how much more chaos would ensue?

If a few more people died, even if the shooting had nothing to do with them, the Republican government wouldn’t be able to escape blame. Juárez had already experienced the tyranny of the great powers.

Ten years ago, when the Mexican government was on the verge of bankruptcy, Juárez announced a two-year suspension of foreign debt payments, hoping to negotiate with the creditors.

The result was a brutal lesson—Mexico’s Republican government was forced to go underground, and only ten years later did Juárez return to Mexico City.

How many decades does one have in life? If not for those lost ten years, perhaps Juárez’s social reforms would have succeeded by now.

It’s only after losing something that one learns to cherish it. It’s only after firsthand experience that one gets to know fear.

Now, apart from the youthful idealists, everyone in the Republican government feared the great powers. Juárez might not publicly acknowledge the debt left by Maximilian I, but in reality, he was obediently paying it back.

To placate the Radicals, he kept saying that “once the situation stabilizes, we will stop repaying the debt,” but in truth, it was just empty talk.

The French feared that with the fall of Maximilian I, these debts would go unpaid. In reality, President Juárez and the Republican government had already caved in—they didn’t dare to truly default on the loans.

The so-called toughness was nothing more than political posturing. In practice, they were very honest, scrambling to pay off the foreign debt by any means necessary.

Without any military resistance, Governor Hümmel’s march was swift, reaching Mexico City in less than a week.

President Juárez’s measures weren’t entirely ineffective. Austria still cared about its reputation. Since war hadn’t broken out, Governor Hümmel’s forces had no excuse to attack the city and set up camp outside instead.

The “shooting incident” was handled strictly within the judicial process, with all the foreign envoys as witnesses, waiting for the Mexican government to present evidence and close the case.

Everything seemed to be moving in a positive direction, but just then, Ambassador Kompten’s grand scheme unfolded. Hundreds of “Austrian citizens” came forward to protest, armed with evidence.

There was no doubt that these were the families or close friends of the soldiers. In the week before the Republican Army entered the city, their property had suffered significant damage, and some had even lost their lives.

Under normal circumstances, these ordinary people would have had no choice but to accept their fate. But this time was different. With Ambassador Kompten secretly orchestrating things, they suddenly found their courage.

With extraterritorial rights on their side, they became fearless. They started emulating the way foreign citizens had treated the Mexican government.

Moments earlier, Ambassador Kompten had been all smiles, but now his expression changed as he sternly rebuked, “Mr. President, your country’s army has disregarded international law and acted recklessly, endangering the lives and property of Austrian citizens. I am now delivering a formal diplomatic note on behalf of the Austrian government. Your government is ordered to hand over the individuals responsible within 24 hours to face legal consequences and to compensate our citizens for their losses!”

This pretext was somewhat flimsy, and everyone knew what was really going on. However, these people had indeed obtained Austrian citizenship.

Legally speaking, as long as these individuals became Austrian citizens before the Republican Army’s actions, they were under Austria’s protection.

There was no doubt that their citizenship had been granted before then. Ambassador Kompten wouldn’t make such a mistake—the documents would show they had become citizens before the Republican Army entered the city.

Whether or not the procedure was followed correctly was an internal Austrian matter, and outsiders had no say in it.

President Juárez’s face turned pale. Most issues could be negotiated, but “handing over the individuals responsible” was utterly impossible. If they handed people over, the army would surely revolt.

Moreover, even if these individuals were guilty, they should face Mexican justice—how could they allow Austrians to try them?

Hoping for British and French mediation was futile. When the British and French envoys saw the evidence provided by the Austrians, they began to mentally check out.

It wasn’t that they didn’t want to help, but the evidence was right there. The Austrians had written documents proving these were Austrian citizens, and there were photographs taken by photographers showing the atrocities committed by the Mexican Republican Army.

Even though Britain, France, and Austria were allies only in name, with Austria clearly in the right, they couldn’t support the Mexican Republican government.

President Juárez knew that the Austrians were making trouble at this time, putting forward these conditions to deliberately make things difficult for them, and it was definitely not just to stand up for these “citizens.”

Without understanding the Austrians’ true intentions, it would be difficult to solve the problem. At this point, Austrian troops were already at the gates, and it was too late to resist.

The only small comfort was that the Austrians were still mindful of the international repercussions, refraining from outright aggression. This indicated that there might still be room for negotiation.

In this era, the great powers had a common characteristic: when reasoning couldn’t achieve their goals, they would choose to speak with cannons.

The role of intermediary fell to the British Ambassador, Edward. The British were particularly skilled in such matters, having had a hand in over half of the world’s international conflicts during this time.

...

That evening, British Ambassador Edward made his way to the Austrian embassy.

Setting down his coffee, Edward asked politely, “Sir Kompten, the British government is closely monitoring your country’s actions in Mexico. We are allies, and if you need assistance, don’t hesitate to ask. But what exactly do you want to achieve?”

The British offer of “assistance” was less of a helping hand and more of a warning. Austria hadn’t planned on relying on British support for its overseas expansion, and Franz was wary of taking on a debt he couldn’t repay.

Ambassador Kompten understood the underlying message perfectly. Emphasizing “allies” was just a reminder not to harm British interests. And offering “assistance” was a warning not to push too far.

Taking a small sip of his coffee, Ambassador Kompten replied calmly, “The spread of the wicked Republican ideology must be curbed. If we don’t teach the Mexicans a lesson, wouldn’t this ideology become more rampant? Should it spread to the European continent, it would be a problem for us all.”

This explanation did not satisfy Edward. Since when had the Austrian government become so committed to internationalism?

Since Franz’s reign, he initially let the Russian Empire do as it pleased, then stabbed France in the back. From any perspective, this doesn’t align with what one would expect from a responsible European power.

Edward was convinced of Austria’s campaign against republican ideals. The Austrian Emperor, as a linchpin of monarchical regimes, held sway equal to, if not greater than, the Tsar.

However, Austria had reformed early on, completing its social reforms, which led to a stable and well-developed society.

On the issue of combating Republican ideology, monarchist states shared a common stance—this was a battle for ideological dominance, and none of them were willing to give up easily.

Edward asked uncertainly, “Sir Kompten, does this mean that your country intends to restore Emperor Maximilian I to the throne?”

From the perspective of interests, such a move wouldn’t align with Austria’s interests—the cost of restoring Maximilian I would be too high.

However, in a country like Austria, where the power of the monarchy was strong, decisions weren’t always based solely on interests. The Emperor’s will could also shape the nation’s course.

Although Maximilian I was not particularly capable, he was Franz’s younger brother, and that alone might be enough for Franz to make a significant investment.

Similar situations have occurred multiple times in European history. Edward was unsure whether Austria would take such a step, as Franz had cultivated an image that was almost too perfect.

Ambassador Kompten shook his head and replied, “If we could restore His Majesty Maximilian I to the throne, that would indeed be ideal. However, due to certain special circumstances, none of the major factions within Mexico are particularly welcoming of His Majesty at this time.

Our conditions are simple. The Mexican government has three options: First, continue to recognize Maximilian I as Emperor, in which case these minor issues need not be discussed further, and a constitutional monarchy would be acceptable.

Second, compensate Austrian citizens for their losses and cover the costs of this military expedition—a total of 12 million guilders. If they don’t have the money, they can cede Chiapas, Tabasco, Oaxaca, Veracruz, and the Yucatán Peninsula as payment.”

There was no need to mention the third option—Edward already knew it. The most common method: if negotiations fail, force will be used. If the Mexican government believed it could win, it could try to resolve the matter through military means.

Edward thought for a moment and then said, “Your country’s appetite is as great as ever. But can the Mexicans bear such conditions?”

Clearly, Edward did not want to see Austria expanding unchecked in Mexico. If left unrestrained, Austria might eventually swallow up the entire country.

Kompten smiled slightly and defended himself, saying, “You can’t put it that way. If the Mexican government allows Maximilian I to be restored, they won’t have to pay any price at all.

If they are truly patriotic, they should accept our goodwill. After all, His Majesty Maximilian I is merciful and won’t hold them accountable for their conspiracy and rebellion.”

Edward rolled his eyes. Accepting Maximilian I’s restoration? Things couldn’t possibly be that simple.

For the Constitutionalists, Conservatives, and Catholics, having a figurehead emperor might be tolerable, but for the Republicans, it would be a complete disaster.

It would essentially invalidate their legitimacy from start to finish, and the political shock alone could spell the end for President Juárez.

What appeared to be the least costly option was, in reality, the most unacceptable for the Republican government. By putting forward this condition, regardless of whether the Mexicans accepted it, the Mexican government would face division.

The conditions proposed by Ambassador Kompten were clearly designed to exacerbate internal conflicts within the Mexican government.

Other political factions would seize on this as an opportunity to accuse the Republican government of betraying national interests for its own selfish gain.

No matter what choice President Juárez made, he would be met with a host of troubles. Such blatant targeting made it clear that the Habsburg family was involved.

Maximilian I was now a lone figure. Even if he were restored, he would be nothing more than a puppet emperor, with no one taking him seriously, nor would he bring any real benefit to Austria. This condition, which held no real value, was clearly aimed at undermining the Republican government.

Edward said nothing more. President Juárez had led the rebellion that overthrew Maximilian I’s rule, humiliating the Habsburgs.

Now they wanted revenge, and Juárez was simply unlucky to be in the crosshairs. At this level of intrigue, Edward had no desire to get involved.

Deep down, he had already begun to mourn for President Juárez, whose misfortune was to face the Habsburg dynasty at the height of its power.