Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 595: Struggle...

The eyes of all of Europe were focused on the Middle East except for the Prussian government. They simply couldn’t spare the attention, being overwhelmed by their own unresolved issues.

Even though the Ottoman Empire was a potential ally for the Kingdom of Prussia, that didn’t really matter. While Britain and France could afford to support the Ottomans, Prussia certainly couldn’t.

From Prussia’s perspective, a strong Ottoman Empire would serve their interests, but supporting them would mean provoking Austria.

This was an easy choice. Britain and France were powerful enough to risk Austrian retaliation and handle any fallout. But for Prussia, already feeling unsettled by the threat from Russia, antagonizing Austria would be a foolish move.

The international media climate was also intriguing. There was a surprising unity in condemning both the Persian and Ottoman governments, with both sharing the backlash and becoming equally notorious.

However, international politics told a different story, with two distinct camps forming. Britain and France supported the Ottoman Empire, while Austria and Russia backed the Persian government.

On the whole, the Ottoman government’s actions were seen as more morally questionable. Persia, though harsh in its methods, was also viewed as a victim in this situation.

Most smaller European countries sympathized with Persia, but that sympathy was largely inconsequential. This was a power struggle among the great powers, and smaller nations were too intimidated to voice independent opinions so their stance didn’t matter here.

Against this backdrop, an international investigative commission was formed, with both sides vying for Prussia’s support. If Prussia took a side, it could almost settle the matter decisively.

But the shrewd William I made the wisest choice—neutrality. The reality is that “courting” can take different forms depending on the circumstances.

While it seemed that Britain, France, and Austria were all racing to gain Prussia’s support, none of them were willing to pay a real price for it. The so-called “promised benefits” were essentially empty promises—visible but unattainable.

Without sufficient gains, Prussia had no reason to pick a side. William I understood well that the struggle among Britain, France, and Austria had its limits. It wasn’t a life-or-death contest.

Despite the current Middle Eastern crisis, with tensions seemingly high, the conflict was largely confined to verbal sparring in the international commission. The fact that the Tripartite Alliance among the three nations still stood was proof enough of this restraint.

To pick a side under these conditions, where the three powers “quarreled without breaking ties,” would truly be reckless. When the main parties hadn’t even demanded choosing sides, volunteering to do so would be asking for trouble.

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In Berlin’s royal palace, William I looked extremely displeased as if he were owed millions of marks. Clearly, recent events were wearing on him.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman reported, “Your Majesty, Germany is pressing us again. Here’s their diplomatic note.” (Author’s Note: German Federal Empire, abbreviated to “Germany”)

Wilhelm I said, “Isn’t there still more than half a year left? Tell Germany we will complete the transfer within the stipulated deadline.

Prime Minister, the relocation of settlers in the Rhineland must accelerate. Also, we need to mobilize more enterprises to move. The pace of relocation is currently too slow.”

Prussia and Germany had signed a land transfer agreement, making the Rhineland officially part of the German Federal Empire. However, such a large-scale transfer wasn’t something that could be done overnight.

The Prussian government had many institutions and personnel to withdraw, so the transfer period was set for a year, from June 15, 1875, to June 15, 1876.

Now, as the Rhineland handover deadline approached, the Kingdom of Prussia hadn’t managed to complete its withdrawal and therefore refused to hand it over just yet.

From the perspective of the German Federal Empire, an expedited transfer would be preferable. While this transaction was supported by European nations, alleviating concerns about Prussian backtracking, Prussia was actively managing the Rhineland, and these assets were already theoretically under the jurisdiction of the German Federal Empire. With each day that passed without action, Germany was forfeiting potential gains.

Criticized by the king for “slow relocation efforts,” Prime Minister Moltke felt helpless. It wasn’t that the government wasn’t trying. Relocating settlers was simply an enormous undertaking.

It wasn’t just about bringing people back. There was also the basic necessity of resettling them and finding them jobs that could support their families.

Otherwise, even if they returned to Prussia, they might soon leave again.

The Kingdom of Prussia didn’t restrict population movement, and immigration offices to Austria could be found in every major city across the German territories. Just by registering, applicants had all follow-up expenses covered.

Skilled workers were even given a paid visit to the destination. If they weren’t satisfied, they could decline the move, with travel costs reimbursed—an absolutely top-notch service.

With such a strong competitor, how could the Prussian government afford to be lax? Even though local living conditions were better, they still had to ensure people had jobs to sustain themselves!

The Prussian government had tried to combat this “poaching” tactic by shutting down official immigration offices, but underground channels still persisted. Even in the 21st century, various informal immigration pathways existed. As long as there was profit, they couldn’t be truly eliminated.

Convincing business owners to relocate was even tougher. Everyone was eager for profitable ventures, but nobody wanted unprofitable ones.

The Rhineland region was rich in coal and iron resources, had developed transportation, and had ready-made industrial supporting facilities, but moving back to Prussia didn’t necessarily offer the same advantages.

And where the land was already developed, local powers had already risen. Entering the market now would only lead to bloody clashes.

The undeveloped areas of Poland and Lithuania lacked adequate infrastructure, transportation needed urgent improvement, resource distribution was unclear, and the market landscape was uncertain.

In the Rhineland, capitalists not only sold products locally but also exported large portions to neighboring countries like Austria, France, Belgium, and the German Federal Empire.

After relocation, due to the impact of transportation, they would have to say goodbye to these traditional markets. Perhaps one day the Polish and Lithuanian regions would develop into promising markets, but capitalists couldn’t afford to wait.

Reality isn’t like touching internet stories. The so-called “nurturing of new markets” is, for most capitalists, an unrealistic and toxic notion.

Before cultivating markets, the first priority was survival. If you couldn’t survive, what would future markets matter to you?

When it comes to their own interests, capitalists are shrewd. Even with generous policies from the Prussian government, the risks of relocation remain unchanged.

Moltke reported, “Your Majesty, the government has done all it can with resettlement efforts. We are relocating 100,000 people each month, which is incredibly fast.

For many migrant families, we have only managed to secure one employment position per household, and to help them survive, the government has had to provide additional subsidies.

Domestic enterprises are already stretched thin. To accommodate this influx, we have had to boost public infrastructure spending to artificially create jobs.

Schools, hospitals, railroads, highways, urban renewal, water conservancy projects…we are investing heavily in nearly every foundational industry that demands significant labor.”

This was the truth. The Prussian government’s demonstrated execution capability had already shocked the world, completing the settlement of nearly a million immigrants in a short time which could definitely be called a world record.

This isn’t like Austria’s experience managing East Prussia. Austro-African territories were vast enough that, even when dispersed, each city only absorbed a few hundred to a thousand people.

If there weren’t enough jobs, people could simply be sent to work on farms or in mines. Resettlement pressure was practically nonexistent.

Moltke didn’t even bring up the issue of relocating industries, as there was simply no solution. High risk should normally be matched by high profits, but this industrial relocation offered only risk.

The Polish and Lithuanian regions aren’t devoid of resources. At least for the early stages of industrialization, they’re sufficient. The problem is, you need to build roads first!

On the map, Poland’s many rivers look promising for navigation, suggesting a well-developed waterway network.

In reality, though, what appears as a slight difference on the map translates into tens or hundreds of kilometers in real life. The seemingly short distances are, in fact, critical disadvantages for most businesses.

The Prussian government is working hard to improve infrastructure, and perhaps these issues will be resolved soon. However, capitalists aren’t willing to share in the hardships with the state; they’ll only join in the prosperity.