Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 629 - 202: The Expendable Piece

Vienna Palace, Franz looked at his spirited son and asked with a smile, "Frederick, this time you are going to represent Austria on a visit to various European countries. Are you prepared?"

"Rest assured, Father. I’ve memorized all the documents by heart and guarantee I can complete the mission," Frederick replied with full confidence.

The Habsburg Family has many things, and if nothing else, they have an abundance of relatives.

In these times, with travel being inconvenient, there was generally little contact in ordinary periods. But once it came to visiting their territories, social interactions were inevitable.

Having many relatives would be fine if not for the fact that they also liked to reuse names, further complicated by a lengthy list of titles. Without sufficient familiarity, it was easy to confuse identities.

This wasn’t just a matter of making a faux pas or becoming the butt of a joke; it could lead others to believe they were not given due importance, turning relatives into enemies.

Franz didn’t like to travel about, and a major reason was to avoid the hassle. As Emperor, he was rather fortunate; people would come to visit him, and his subordinates would have the information prepared.

Even at banquets, he was the most revered presence, with very few entitled to converse with him as equals. Most of the time, a nod and a smile would suffice.

It was different for Frederick, however. Despite his distinguished status as the Crown Prince of Austria, there were still many of equal status, with hundreds listed just on this roster.

From this perspective, being Nobility was no easy task; at the very least, one needed a good memory. Especially the minor nobles had a hard time remembering the titles of the important people.

Franz was among the best in this regard. Affected by the butterfly effect, his titles were now much longer than in actual history; even Franz himself wasn’t sure he could recite them accurately.

Yet, those below him must memorize them precisely; this was determined by the political system. Austria existed because of the Emperor, not the other way around.

Call it mechanical or rigid, but this was the legal foundation of the Empire.

Aside from a few honorary titles, the absence of any would lead to protests from the locals. In European society, such an omission would be perceived as discrimination.

Hence, Austrian elementary school students are met with tragedy; they must memorize Franz’s titles accurately, or they cannot graduate.

"Not just memorize them, but also establish a rapport. This is your chance to build connections. It is always beneficial to make more friends, even if they are just fair-weather friends.

I have already given you the details about Princess Sophie Marie Victoria. Handle it as you see fit; I don’t want to see any blunders."

Speaking of friends, Frederick’s expression darkened. Being in the royal family, it was extremely difficult to have true friends.

With such a significant gap in status, it was hard to have an equal exchange, let alone form friendships.

As the Emperor, Franz had no friends. If Frederick didn’t have friends of equal status now, it was likely he never would in the future.

An emperor is lonely; there is no hope for friends within the country. As for the monarchs and ministers recorded in history books as friends, Franz could only scoff.

Frederick’s face flushed, "Don’t worry, Father. I know how to handle it and won’t embarrass you."

Franz nodded. This wasn’t just about saving face; it was more of a test for Frederick.

If he passed, he would be the heir apparent to Austria. If not, it was hard to say what might happen. Although changing heirs to the throne in Europe is troublesome, it’s not impossible.

Of course, this is the worst-case scenario and under normal conditions would not happen. Franz had a good sense of the kind of person his son was.

...

Foreign Minister Weisenberg: "Your Majesty, the British Ambassador has sent a diplomatic note, hoping that we would impose a comprehensive blockade on Ethiopia.

According to the information we have collected, it seems the Ethiopian war cannot come to an end, and the London Government cannot bear the domestic public opinion pressure; they must be getting desperate.

If nothing unexpected happens, the French should have received a similar note.

Unable to achieve a breakthrough on the battlefield, they can only place their hopes outside of it.

Theoretically, as long as we and the French cut off trade with Ethiopia, it won’t be long before the Ethiopian Army’s weapons turn into mere fire sticks."

Modern warfare is all about logistics. For an agricultural nation, once the supply of strategic materials is cut off, defeat is not far behind.

Franz, "Given the current intensity of the war, how long can the Ethiopian army’s reserve of strategic materials last?"

Army Minister Albrecht, "At most, no more than a year, and that’s under the assumption that no major battles occur.

If the British increase the intensity of their attacks, it’s not impossible for them to exhaust the Ethiopian army’s ammunition within two or three months."

Unless the Ethiopian army suddenly surges and defeats the British Army before their supplies run out, the outcome of the war has already been determined. It’s merely a question of how much the British will lose."

Franz had no hopes for a sudden eruption by the Ethiopian forces. It simply wasn’t possible. The British forces had already exceeded a hundred thousand soldiers, and even if the Indian Colonial Army accounted for the majority, there were still three regular infantry divisions.

In battle, the Ethiopian forces were being suppressed by the British. If not for their advantage as the local force, they likely would have already been defeated.

If they were to suddenly surge forth and seek a decisive battle with the British Army, the British would probably die laughing.

In the jungle, they couldn’t overcome the Ethiopian army. In a conventional field battle, the two sides were not on the same level; the fighting power of the Ethiopian army and the Indian Colonial Army was not much different, except the Ethiopian army had a stronger desire to fight.

Prime Minister Felix, "Don’t harbor such illusions. Before the arrival of the main British forces, the Ethiopian army had a slim chance of victory if they fought desperately.

The situation reversed with the arrival of British reinforcements. Had it not been for their geographical advantage, Ethiopia would have been finished long ago.

Their only chance now is to drag the war out. To drag it until the British losses exceed their limits, and the London Government dares not continue the investment."

Foreign Minister Weisenberg, "Difficult! The situation is different from the Afghan war. The Ethiopian war not only affects the London Government’s face but also their position.

Within the system of the three major countries, England, France, and Austria, the British are still recognized as the world’s number one power. However, being the world’s first requires strength as a foundation. The power that the British have demonstrated in the war in Ethiopia is clearly not living up to the name.

Being the world’s first power isn’t just an empty title; it also involves the right to speak in international politics, with benefits distribution at stake.

Any concession made by the London Government would cause immeasurable political damage.

In comparison, it is more cost-effective to continue the war. As long as the London Government is willing to spend money, winning the war is just a matter of time."

Political problems can often be more severe than military ones.

Although war is costly, it is the nation’s money that is being spent, not that of the Cabinet officials; but the political damage caused by stopping the war would have to be borne by them personally.

Franz, "If we support them, is there any chance of victory for Ethiopia?"

Stabbing the British in the back, that was basic practice, something Franz had learned from the British themselves. If possible, he wouldn’t mind further depleting the British power.

Army Minister Albrecht, "Militarily speaking, the likelihood of Ethiopian victory is virtually zero, even with our support.

It’s not that the Ethiopian forces lack the strength to fight the British; the key issue is the fragile financial system of the Ethiopian government, which simply cannot sustain the war effort."

The excuse of "no money" is very powerful. As an agricultural nation, the fact that the Ethiopian government’s finances haven’t already collapsed is impressive.

Austria’s support for Ethiopia is limited; it mainly involves selling weapons and helping with military training. It would be utterly impossible for Austria to spend money to help them achieve victory.

After hesitating for a moment, Franz made a decision, "First negotiate with the British. If the conditions are right, we can also abandon our support for Ethiopia.

However, this is something for after an agreement is reached. For now, we’ll carry on as usual. We should give the Ethiopian government a timely reminder that the British intend to cut off their international trade routes."

"Betraying allies," this is the basic tactic of great powers, a matter of interest.

Ethiopia has never been an ally of Austria; Vienna’s support for them was only meant to cause trouble for the British, so there was no actual betrayal involved."

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