Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 89: Hope



Chapter 89: Hope

Chapter 89: Hope

If it were in later times, flooding Budapest wouldn’t be considered a major event at all. Franz has even seen news of Budapest being flooded on several occasions.

However, if someone were to construct dams upstream on the Danube and unleash the force of the rushing waters to attack Budapest, the consequences would be severe. Budapest would be doomed, but so would the farmland and cities downstream.

If all the local Hungarian population were supporters of the revolutionary party, there would be no hesitation – the Austrian Army would have already taken such actions.

However, now that there are evidently more supporters of the Habsburg monarchy than the Hungarian Republic government, if they were to flood the city, it would result in a pyrrhic victory - causing harm to both sides.

Franz’s thoughts were unknown to Kossuth, but upon hearing the news of the potential flooding of Budapest, Kossuth knew that the city could not hold on for long.

If he were to stand in the position of the Austrian Government, regardless of how severe the consequences and how heavy the cost, they would choose to crush the Hungarian Republic. This is the perspective of politicians.

“No, General Henryk Dembi?ski. The integrity of politicians is much lower than you can imagine. What deeds can’t the corrupt Austrian Government do, after all? The plight of hundreds of thousands of Hungarian people means little to them!” Kossuth said sternly.

At least in his mind, the lives and well-being of hundreds of thousands of Hungarians were expendable chips. If achieving ultimate victory was possible, he would accept sacrifices even several times greater.

This was evident in the way the Republican government suppressed the workers’ and peasants’ movements. Since the establishment of the Hungarian Republic in 1848, more people have been killed in suppressing these movements than in the previous ten years of the Hungarian Kingdom.

This is almost the common trait of bourgeois governments in this era: they claim to stand for freedom and liberation of productivity, but at the same time, they wield the butcher’s knife against the working people.

“Mr. Kossuth, if the enemy plans to flood Budapest, all our current efforts will be futile in the face of such overwhelming floods. Individual strength is insignificant against such a force of nature. I recommend that you immediately prepare an escape route and do your best to preserve the sacred cause of the revolution, ensuring its continuity,” General Henryk Dembi?ski said with a furrowed brow.

This is also the experience of the Poles; no matter what setbacks they have endured, their revolutionary spirit has never been extinguished. Of course, they were unfortunate to encounter ruthless characters when the Soviets deceived and killed them.

“Let us refrain from launching a proactive attack and concentrate our forces to break through, sparing the city’s civilians from being burdened and enduring the hardships of war!” Pet?fi couldn’t help but propose.

As a passionate young man, he couldn’t bear the thought of sacrificing the entire city’s population. Unfortunately, his words wouldn’t change the situation.

Kossuth shook his head and said, “Taking the initiative would be like attacking a rock with an egg. The enemy is hoping we will walk right into their trap. Even if they plan to flood Budapest, they won’t immediately make up their minds after a failed attack. That’s when we will have a chance.

The Venice War has reached a critical moment; the Austrians are still engaged in fierce battles with the Italian states. If our allies win this war, the situation will change.

The decadent Austrian Government lacks the courage to fight till the end. When the enemy is trapped internally and externally, we can seek French mediation, and the revolutionary cause will succeed!”

Clearly, after experiencing successive failures, Kossuth no longer believed that Hungary could achieve national independence on its own. Instead, he pinned his hopes on international intervention.

Henryk Dembi?ski warned, "Mr. Kossuth, from a military perspective, I must remind you that the hopes of the Italian states winning this war are extremely slim. Among the four Italian states, only the Kingdom of Sardinia is actively engaged in a bloody battle with Austria, and even if they were to miraculously capture Venice, they do not have the capability to support Hungary.”

Their allies in the Italian region are unreliable, and the French are even more unreliable as they are still in the midst of their own revolution. Do they really want to intervene in Hungary’s revolution?

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“No, we still have an ally. The arch-enemy of the Habsburg Dynasty, the Ottoman Empire, has just completed a systemic reform. We can ask them to intervene in this war!” Kossuth said fiercely.

He had already made up his mind; he was willing to cede Transylvania to the Ottoman Empire if it meant Hungary could gain independence. To him, accepting such a cost was bearable.

Since 1792, the Ottoman Empire had been undergoing reforms, from military restructuring to technological advancements, economic improvements, and finally political reforms.

From the perspective of that era, the Ottoman Empire was considered progressive, as they adopted European-inspired reforms, although they hadn’t fully achieved their goal of becoming a prosperous and powerful nation.

“No, the Ottoman Empire and Hungary have had a century-long blood feud. Cooperating with them would undoubtedly be inviting a wolf into the house!” Pet?fi objected urgently.

When you open Hungary’s history books, nearly half of the content is about the battles with the Ottoman Empire. Both sides have been at loggerheads for centuries. Now, cooperating with the Ottoman Empire would be seeking a tiger's skin—completely courting disaster.

Moreover, the accumulated hatred among the people is not something they can easily control, and religious beliefs present an insurmountable obstacle. If Hungarian soldiers were to join forces with the Ottoman army, it's likely that they would end up in internal conflicts even before the actual battle begins.

Kossuth was resolute in his stance: “For the great cause of revolution, there is nothing we cannot sacrifice. The Ottoman Empire is indeed our enemy, but when it comes to dealing with Austria, our positions are aligned. As long as Hungary can achieve independence, other issues can be resolved in the future. Then, the British, the French, and even the whole of Europe will be our allies!”

……

As Kossuth prepared to form an alliance with the Ottoman Empire, there were unexpected changes on the battlefield of Venice.

The term “three-minute enthusiasm” accurately described the Italians, as their fighting spirit had been worn down after days of continuous battles.

The key point of the battle was the Battle of Trento, where Marshal Badoglio ordered the capture of Trento within three days. However, three days passed, and Trento remained in Austrian hands.

Even though artillery had arrived at the front lines, it proved to be of little use. Despite sending reinforcements of a whole division during this period, Marshal Badoglio failed to make any progress.

After exchanging survival strategies, the casualty rate of the Sardinian Army sharply decreased, with daily casualties kept under three digits.

While reducing casualties should be considered a positive development, the problem was that the decline in casualties was a result of soldiers actively avoiding combat. This was far from an ideal situation.


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