Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 99: Prussian-Russian Conflict

Chapter 99: Prussian-Russian Conflict

Metternich responded with a sigh, “Your Highness, the efficiency of the French Government has always been lacking. At this very moment, they are still debating with their parliament!”

He was exasperated at the inefficiency of the French as both sides had already signed the treaty with all the conditions agreed upon in advance, yet when it came to execution, they somehow managed to mess it up.

“How come the French suddenly seem uninterested in the Italian Region? Are they now considering backing out?” Prime Minister Felix asked with confusion.

Metternich replied with a wry smile, “No, the French government isn’t planning to back out. They are currently debating how many troops to send, who should take command, and which division to dispatch.”

Thinking about it, it was quite exasperating. Such a trivial matter was being deliberated by the parliament. It was likely that by the time they reached a decision, Austria would have already dealt with the Kingdom of Sardinia.

Franz rubbed his forehead and said, “Well, our ally, the French, are unreliable. Fortunately, we didn’t have high expectations for them to begin with. As long as they don’t cause trouble, it’s fine.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs should keep a close watch on the British; knowing their style, they’re likely to make a move at a time like this. Let’s not give them the chance.”

As per the Austro-French secret agreement, during the Venice Campaign, the French were supposed to deploy forces to strike at the heart of Sardinia, annihilate the Kingdom of Sardinia, and then divide the territory into five equal parts, with each nation receiving two shares.

Now that the Venice Campaign has concluded, and the French Parliament has yet to produce any results, Franz no longer expects much contribution from the French.

“Your Highness, the delay in the French Parliament’s decision is likely influenced by the British. Many pro-British members of parliament oppose military intervention.

However, the allure of Italy is too strong; the influential factions within France can hardly resist it. The French bourgeoisie and the military are both pushing for this military action, which has overshadowed the voices of opposition,” Metternich replied.

Franz wasn’t surprised by British intervention; the division of Sardinia between France and Austria would cost John Bull millions of pounds in loans and significant interests in the Italian Region.

However, the internal issues within France caught him somewhat off guard. Initially, it seemed unexpected that the division of Sardinia, for which Austria had made substantial concessions and had the support of the bourgeoisie and the military, would hit a roadblock.

As the saying goes, “The longer the night, the more dreams one has.” The more time drags on, the more things the British can do, and the window of opportunity for the two nations to divide Sardinia becomes increasingly narrow.

However, the French are undoubtedly not going to give up easily. Regardless of the government in power, they must consider the voices of interest groups.

France has been suppressed for far too long, lying dormant during this period. Various interest groups are eagerly waiting for opportunities. At a time like this, getting them to give up the opportunity that practically fell into their lap wouldn’t be easy.

“Your Highness, if the French cannot fulfill their promises, should we consider tearing up the agreement as well? A powerful France does not align with our interests, especially allowing their influence to expand into the Italian Region!” Archduke Louis pondered and suggested.

The temptation of monopolizing Italy was substantial. The remarkably smooth sailing military action had also stirred ambitions within certain circles of Austria. Archduke Louis was only speaking on behalf of these individuals.

“The risk of us solely annexing Sardinia is too significant. We must also take into account the attitudes of the great powers. We might find ourselves facing joint suppression from Britain and France.” Franz pondered for a moment before speaking.

He remained quite clear-headed, fully aware of Austria’s capabilities. If Austria currently possessed the strength of historical Germany, then perhaps annexing Italy alone wouldn’t be out of the question.

Obviously, this wasn’t the case; the mere alliance of Britain and France was enough to complicate Austria’s plans.

Not to mention Russia and Prussia which are currently at odds, preoccupied with their own conflict. They temporarily have their hands full and can’t focus on the situation in Italy.

After the March Revolution in Berlin, Baron Arnim, a member of the Prussian liberal faction, assumed the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs. He pursued a diplomatic policy that was pro-British and pro-French while being anti-Russian.

He saw through Russia’s facade and believed it to be a colossal giant with feet of clay. Leading the Prussian liberal faction, he advocated supporting the Polish revolutionary movement to undermine Russia’s strength.

Of course, the Prussian liberal faction wasn’t driven by internationalist ideals. They supported the movement for France’s national revival, even willing to relinquish Prussian-held Polish territories. Their main objective was to restrain Russian influence and foster favorable conditions for the unification of the German-speaking regions.

Fortunately, Frederick William IV intervened in a timely manner and prevented this. Otherwise, by now, Prussia would have already started fighting with Russia.

However, the liberal faction didn’t remain inactive. They set their sights on the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein within the German-speaking regions. Immediately after the Berlin Revolution, they demanded that Denmark annex these two duchies into the German Confederation.

This demand was clearly unattainable, and when diplomatic efforts failed, military action followed suit. On April 10th, Prussia initiated military operations against Denmark, officially declaring war on April 23rd.

Undoubtedly, the already weakened Kingdom of Denmark was no match for Prussia’s might. The Prussian forces quickly gained the upper hand, and by May 21st, they had advanced all the way to the Jutland Peninsula.

Faced with the deteriorating situation, the Danish Government realized that things were not going their way – the enemy was indeed too powerful. With no other choice left, they resorted to their trump card – calling in the big brother.

Seeing their smaller ally being bullied, it was only natural for Russia, the big brother, to step forward; otherwise, where would the Russian Bear’s face be?

“Your Highness is absolutely right. The risk of solely annexing the Kingdom of Sardinia is too great. Just look at Prussia. They tried to annex Schleswig and Holstein, but now they found themselves in a difficult situation.” Prime Minister Felix concurred.

After thinking of Frederick William IV, Franz’ mood improved significantly. Just like sharpening a blade before slaughtering a sheep, the diplomatic situation of the Austrian Government was about to become much more favorable.

The Austro-Sardinian War was initiated by the Kingdom of Sardinia, and they held the moral responsibility for the conflict due to their own actions. International public opinion mostly favored Austria.

In this era, Italy was merely a geographical term, and the concept of a united Italy was not recognized as a legitimate basis for waging war.

In the eyes of the international community, this war was seen as an aggressive act initiated by the Sardinians. Austria didn’t need to shoulder the burden of moral responsibility. This was why, despite the fact that Britain appeared to support the Kingdom of Sardinia, they didn’t take concrete actions.

The term “Germanic Region” was merely a geographical label, just as the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein are said to be part of the German Confederation. From an external perspective, they seemed to have no connection whatsoever with Prussia.

Even if there were connections, such relationships were not acknowledged. Otherwise, should Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg also be considered part of the Germanic Region?

At least during the Frankfurt Conference, these regions, along with Schleswig and Holstein, were considered part of the Germanic Region.

The lack of legal basis made Prussia’s military actions unreasonable, leading to a disadvantageous diplomatic position.